Friday, July 28, 2017

Political irrationality is ruining South Africa, but can still be stopped




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President Jacob Zuma was slammed as being irrational for the recent cabinet reshuffle.
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In popular conceptions of what it means to be human is the universal notion that our species - homo sapiens - is essentially rational. It’s commonly believed that as rational beings, our thoughts and actions are informed by reason and logic that precludes the influence of emotions. On the other hand, irrationality is associated with defective reasoning, perverse thinking, being excessively emotional, or at worst, crazy.

Democracy, and by extension good governance, presupposes the capacity of political leadership to engage in reasoned debate, informed decision making and measured judgements. In the South African context, it’s assumed that this will all happen within the framework of the Constitution.

In this way democratic governance is premised on rationality. It appears to be unthinkable without it. But is this true?

No. And certainly not in South Africa now. Irrationality is the term frequently used to describe the country’s political landscape. This is clear from the coverage of the embattled government of President Jacob Zuma, and its leadership.

The growing anxiety and uncertainty in the country is aptly articulated by the news headline:

Has Zuma checked reason and rationality at the door?

In the unfolding drama of the far-reaching political scandal that threatens South Africa’s nascent democracy, known as “Guptagate”, political leadership has been repeatedly called out for its irrational behaviour. In response to Zuma’s most recent cabinet reshuffle where he replaced finance minister Pravin Gordhan, Bonang Mohale, deputy chairperson of Business Leadership South Africa, said:

We have the President [Zuma] to thank for all this turmoil, irrationality and absolute recklessness…

For its part, the opposition Democratic Alliance went to court to have the president’s decision set aside on the grounds that it was irrational and unconstitutional.

More recently the South African Reserve Bank, known for its conservative stance, openly accused the Public Protector of being reckless and irrational in her attempts to amend the Constitution. Her recommendations in a report on a bank bailout, has been widely viewed as beyond the mandate of her office and a threat to the stability of the economy.

The use of the word “irrational” in South Africa’s political debates begs interrogation. Increasing accounts of political irrationality naturally raise concerns about the effectiveness of democratic governance – and its legitimacy.

Dispelling the ‘myth’ of rationality


Irrationality as a ubiquitous descriptor of political machinations is not peculiar to South Africa. It is well documented across climes and cultures. US President Donald Trump immediately comes to mind. As a world leader he has elicited both censure and derision as grossly irresponsible and fundamentally irrational.

The fact is humans are not rational by default. The “invisible hand” that drives human behaviour is in fact, irrationality. Nobel laureate, psychologist Daniel Kahneman together with Amos Tversky and others have pioneered research in this field.

Wired by evolution, cognitive limits restrict how we select, compute, store and adapt to information. Research shows that we employ a range of heuristics (mental shortcuts) that lead to cognitive biases and distorted perceptions. Most of these we’re not even aware of. As behavioural economist Dan Ariely, author of “Predictably Irrational: The Hidden Forces That Shape Our Decisions” asserts:

Our irrational behaviours are neither random nor senseless – they are systematic.

For example, humans have the tendency to select information (selection bias) that confirms preexisting beliefs (confirmation bias) while avoiding contradictory information that disturbs their preferred worldview. This well-researched bias is at work when politicians choose to present skewed, biased evidence that makes them look credible with the public to achieve desired outcomes.

There’s also a self-interested bias where people are prone to distorted thinking because it benefits them in some way. Rational irrationality explains how:

(people) choose - rationally - to adopt irrational beliefs because the costs of rational beliefs exceed their benefit.

This goes some way in explaining the reckless actions of politicians like Zuma and Trump who devise irresponsible strategies in the interests of their “rational” endgame.

Neuroscience shows that when it comes to decision making, humans are wired to favour emotions over intellect. This means emotions have an impact on our decisions in various ways. For example, in the face of deep uncertainty – a persistent feature of our age – unconscious emotions and perceptions render us prone to cognitive biases and errors.

This refutes the ideal of the stoic “rational man”, a description that persistently devalues women and castes them as the “weaker” sex. This stereotype – of women as emotionally volatile and incapable of rational thought – has served to exclude them from the corridors of power.

Political irrationality has dire consequences


Because irrationality is inherently human, it’s been a persistent part of politics throughout history. There’s substantial evidence that entrenched and unchecked irrationality has devastating consequences. This has happened when political leaders eschew reason and logic. In South Africa’s case this is clear from the country’s crippled economy and rising discontent.

The ConversationBut this doesn’t mean that irrationality has to prevail. South African civil society and democratic institutions have come to the party. They are increasingly challenging the irrational, unconstitutional actions of the ANC-led government and its leadership. What’s patently evident is that a free, independent press, the rule of law as enshrined in the Constitution and an independent judiciary are the bulwarks of a democracy under assault.

Lyn Snodgrass, Associate Professor and Head of Department of Political and Conflict Studies, Nelson Mandela University

This article was originally published on The Conversation.

Zimbabweans protest for right to vote

Demonstrators outside the Zimbabwean consulate in Cape Town demanded their democratic rights

By Tariro Washinyira
28 July 2017
Photo of protesters
A protest was held outside the Zimbabwean consulate in Cape Town by Zimbabweans demanding the right to vote in their country’s upcoming presidential elections. Photo: Tariro Washinyira
On Friday morning, about 30 Zimbabweans demonstrated outside the Zimbabwean Consulate in Cape Town. The protest was organised by the Democracy Restoration Party (DRP), a political party formed by Zimbabwean refugees in Cape Town in 2011, under the leadership of Brian Mubvumbi.

The group wore branded party regalia – yellow T-shirts and black caps. Struggle songs were sung and slogans chanted denouncing the government of President Robert Mugabe and his ZANU-PF party.

In a press statement, the DRP said: “The Zimbabwean government has denied the diaspora an opportunity to cast their votes in their countries of residence. The government blamed lack of funds as the main reason for the decision. This is inconsistent with the 2013 constitution which gives every Zimbabwean the right to vote; hence we demand the reversal of the decision.”

It added that: “Zimbabweans have been displaced by socioeconomic hardships and political violence.”

The Zimbabwean Electoral Commission has said members of the Zimbabwean diaspora will have to register biometrically and return to Zimbabwe to vote.

DRP Secretary General Marshal Matongo said, “The constitution says everyone has a right to vote. So when I live in South Africa it doesn’t make me a South African. I am still a Zimbabwean and it’s my right to vote because I am carrying a Zimbabwean Identity card.”

Some protesters held placards reading ‘Zimbabwe youths stop being abused’. Selule Sibanda, secretary for the DRP, explained, saying that desperate unemployed youths were being used by ZANU-PF to incite violence against opposition party members in the run up to the 2018 presidential elections.

The youngest protester was 19. He said that he came to Cape Town when he was 17 after dropping out of school because he couldn’t pay fees to take his education further. His mother is a widow. He is doing construction work to help her and his two siblings back in Zimbabwe.

Published originally on GroundUp .

State mental health patients are being held in prisons

There is a shortage of hospital beds in the Eastern Cape for inmates with mental illness

By Ashleigh Furlong
27 July 2017
Photo of prison entrance
St Albans Prison entrance, Port Elizabeth. Photo: Google Maps / Street View
Over 90 people with mental illness are being held in various prisons in the Eastern Cape instead of being looked after in hospitals. They are state patients – people declared unfit to stand trial or found not criminally responsible because of their illness or “mental defect” (the state’s term). This is despite them being ordered by the courts to be placed in mental health facilities.

A recent application in the Port Elizabeth High Court hopes to change the situation. Awonke Adam was sent to St Albans prison, Port Elizabeth, in September 2016 after being declared a state patient. He was meant to be transferred to a mental health institution subject to bed availability, but to date this has not happened. However, thanks to the court application, he has been released into his mother’s care until a bed becomes available for him at Fort England Hospital.

In court papers Adam’s mother, Phathiswa, stated that her son “is extremely vulnerable due to his disability, and he does not understand why he is in prison.”

“He has, on at least two occasions, tried to commit suicide [at St Albans]. He has been assaulted by other inmates. There are no trained staff at prisons to work with persons with such disabilities. The prison is not suited for him and his current detention is wrong and traumatic to him and his family,” she stated.

Phathiswa filed the application on behalf of her son and the other state patients in the province, claiming that both the Criminal Procedure Act and the Correctional Services Act “are unconstitutional in so far as it does not protect the rights of State Patients awaiting placement in mental institutions”. She was represented by Legal Aid South Africa.

In court papers, Adam is described as moderately intellectually disabled, with speech and hearing impairments. He has never passed a school grade but was pushed through according to the school’s policies. He left school in grade 6 at the age of 17. He is also unable to read or write.

According to the Mental Health Act, if a court orders a patient to be transferred to a mental health institution it must happen within 28 days. There are only two facilities in the Eastern Cape that provide psychiatric services for inmates or state patients – Fort England and Komani Hospital in Queenstown.

In a constitutional court judgment in 2015, the court found that “imprisonment should only be available to accused persons who pose a serious danger to society or themselves”.

“If an accused person does not pose a serious danger to society or themselves, then resources alone cannot dictate that an accused person be placed in prison,” the court said.

“If resources are significantly constrained such that a bed in a psychiatric hospital is unavailable, then a presiding officer should be able to craft an appropriate order that encompasses treating the accused as an outpatient.”

On 18 July, the Port Elizabeth High Court ordered that Adams be released into his mother’s care, pending the availability of a bed for him at Fort England Hospital. The court also ordered that the rest of the application, which relates to other state patients in the Eastern Cape, be postponed for a hearing on 7 September.

In June this year, Minister of Health Aaron Motsoaledi told Parliament that there were 99 patients being accommodated in prisons in the Eastern Cape as there was no space at mental health facilities. The longest period that patients had waited in prison was nearly two years (22 months).

During a parliamentary budgetary review in October 2016, the responsible portfolio committee found that a policy manual on the administration of state patients had not been developed at all.

A study published in 2016 on prison mental health services in the Eastern Cape found that during 2010 there was no psychiatrist servicing any correctional centre in the province. There were also only two prisons that consulted a psychologist “when needed”.

The study recommended that the Eastern Cape government urgently develop protocols to manage, treat and discharge mentally ill prisoners.

Published originally on GroundUp .

Wednesday, July 26, 2017

In photos: The people of Woodstock threatened by gentrification

“If we have to move to Wolverivier it would be a setback in my life and for all my children”

By Masixole Feni
27 July 2017

Photo of old and new buildings in Woodstock
The new is replacing the old in Woodstock. But with gentrification comes eviction.

Woodstock is swiftly changing. New modern developments are replacing old, often dilapidated, blocks and houses. Property value is increasing and new businesses are moving in.
But not everyone benefits from the changes. Families living on Albert and Gympie Streets live in anticipation of eviction, as they cannot afford to rent or buy their homes. Masixole Feni met and photographed some of these residents.
The residents of 53 Albert Road have received eviction notices. They are contesting their evictions in court.


Delia Adrian, Theresa Wattson and Sedick Harris live in 53 Albert Road. They received an eviction notice from the Sheriff. Adrian says the eviction reminds her of her childhood when her parents were forcefully removed from their home at 29 Horsley Street, District Six.


Fayrooz Sign and Deno Hansen (who works as a car guide outside the building) have been living in the building for five years after being homeless for ten years. They used to live in Bonteheuwel.


Annamarie and Alicia Dube have lived in the building for three years. They share it with four other people.


Maggie and Gavin Solomons have been living on Albert Street for 15 years. They grew up in District six. Before they lived in these rental units they were homeless. They say their water has been cut off by the landlord, so they decided not to pay rent. They share their unit with ten other people.


Kasiefa Watson and her children Tamy, Lukeman, and Raldia have been living in their apartment for 13 years. She moved from Brooklyn to Woodstock to start a new life. She says it is convenient to live in Woodstock because her children go to a nearby school and her husband works at the harbour. “If we have to move to Wolverivier it would be a setback in my life and for all my children,” she says.


Zaida Wolhuter has been living in this unit on Albert Street for four years. Before she stayed here she had a Wendy house on Gympie Street. After evictions on Gympie Street, she decided to move to Albert Street, where she is now facing eviction.


June Peterson is 64 and cleans this block of student apartments on Gympie Street. She says she used to live here, but she was one of many people who were moved to Blikkiesdorp in Delft (near the airport).


Labieba Marley is 60. She lived on Gympie Street for 17 years. Here, she is visiting her family in Gympie Street. She now lives in Lavender Hill. Her grandchildren prefer living in Woodstock because it is close to their work in town.



Published originally on GroundUp .

Thousands march against Israeli “security” measures at al-Aqsa Mosque

“It is undignified and we will not allow that”

By Natalie Pertsovsky and Lilly Wimberly
26 July 2017
Photo of protesters
People march from Keizersgracht Street to Parliament chanting, “Free, free Palestine!” Photo: Ashraf Hendricks
Over 2,000 people marched from Keizersgracht Street to Parliament chanting “Free, free Palestine!” and “Down Netanyahu, down!” on Wednesday. They were marching against the installation of metal detectors and other security measures at the al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem.

Protesters said recent security measures at al-Aqsa, including the use of security cameras, are unfair. “They’ve got high-resolution security cameras that can see through the clothing of our men, and more so, of our women… it is undignified and we will not allow that,” said Anwah Nagia from the Palestine Museum in Cape Town.

The metal detectors were removed Tuesday after Muslim worshippers boycotted the mosque.
The mosque is located in the Old City of East Jerusalem. Nagia addressed the protesters: “It is not [an issue of Jewish versus Muslim]…it is an issue of occupation and human rights violations.”

“We know the pain of state capture in South Africa, but this is state capture of the Holy Land of the Muslims,” said Sheikh Riad Fataar, third-in-charge at the Muslim Judicial Council (MJC). “Today we have shown that we stand together as oppressed people,” he said. “We will march until we see relief for the Palestinian people.”
Protests were held in Cape Town against recent security measures at al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem. Photo: Ashraf Hendricks

Published originally on GroundUp .