Thursday, July 13, 2017

More secrets of human ancestry emerge from South African caves




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“Neo” skull of Homo naledi from the Lesedi Chamber.
John Hawks/Wits University



Africa’s richest fossil hominin site has revealed more of its treasure. It’s been a year and a half since scientists announced that a new hominin species, which they called Homo naledi, had been discovered in the Rising Star Cave outside Johannesburg.

Now they say they have established and published the age of the original naledi fossils that garnered global headlines in 2015. Homo naledi lived sometime between 335 and 236 thousand years ago, making it relatively young.

They’ve also announced the discovery of a second chamber in the Rising Star cave system, which contained additional Homo naledi specimens. These include a child and the partial skeleton of an adult male with a well-preserved skull. They have named the skeleton “Neo” – a Sesotho word meaning “a gift”.

The Conversation Africa’s Science Editor Natasha Joseph asked Professor John Hawks, a member of the team, to explain the story behind these finds.

To an ordinary person, 236 000 years is a very long time ago. Why does the team suggest that in fact, Homo naledi is a “young” species?

The course of human evolution has taken the last seven million years since our ancestors diverged from those of chimpanzees and bonobos. The first two-thirds of that long history, called australopiths, were apelike creatures who developed the trick of walking upright on two legs.

Around two million years ago some varieties of hominins took the first real steps in a human direction. They’re the earliest clear members of our genus, Homo, and belong to species like Homo habilis, Homo erectus and Homo rudolfensis.

Homo naledi looks in many ways like these first members of Homo. It’s even more primitive than these species in many ways, and has a smaller brain than any of them. People outside our team who have studied the fossils mostly thought they should be around the same age. A few had the radical idea that H. naledi might have lived more recently, maybe around 900,000 years ago.

Nobody thought that these fossils could actually have come from the same recent time interval when modern humans were evolving, a mere 236 to 335 thousand years ago.

How do you figure out a fossil’s age?

We applied six different methods. The most valuable of these were electron spin resonance (ESR) dating, and uranium-thorium (U-Th) dating. ESR relies on the fact that teeth contain tiny crystals, and the electron energy in these crystals is affected by natural radiation in the ground over long periods of time after fossils are buried.

U-Th relies on the fact that water drips into caves and forms layers of calcite, which contain traces of uranium. The radioactive fraction of uranium decays into thorium slowly over time. So the proportion of thorium compared to uranium gives an estimate of the time since the calcite layers formed. One of these calcite deposits, called a flowstone, formed above the H. naledi fossils in the Dinaledi Chamber. That flowstone helps to establish the minimum age: the fossils must be older than the flowstone above them.

For these two methods, our team engaged two separate labs and asked them to process and analyse samples without talking to each other. Their processes produced the same results. This gives us great confidence that the results are reliable.

What does the discovery of Homo naledi’s age mean for our understanding of human history and evolution?

For at least the past 100 years, anthropologists have assumed that most of the evolution of Homo was a story of progress: brains got bigger over time, technology became more sophisticated and teeth got smaller as people relied more upon cleverness to get better food and prepare it by cooking.

We thought that once culture really got started, our evolution was driven by a feedback loop – better food allowed bigger brains, more clever adaptations, more sophisticated communication. That enabled better technology, which yielded more food, and so on like a snowball rolling downhill.

No other hominin species could compete with this human juggernaut. You would never see more than one form of human in a single part of the world, because the competition would be too intense. Other forms, like Neanderthals, existed within regions of the world apart from the mainstream leading to modern humans in Africa. But even they were basically human with large brains.

That thinking was wrong.

Africa south of the equator is the core of human evolutionary history. That’s where today’s human populations were most genetically diverse, and that diversity is just a small part of what once existed there. Different lineages of archaic humans once lived in this region. Anthropologists have found a few fossil remnants of these archaic populations. They’ve tried to connect those remnants in a straight line. But the genetic evidence suggests that they were much more complex, with deep divisions that occasionally intertwined.

H. naledi shows a lineage that existed for probably more than a million years, maybe two million years, from the time it branched from our family tree up to the last 300,000 years. During all this time, it lived in Africa with archaic lineages of humans, with the ancestors of modern humans, maybe with early modern humans themselves. It’s strikingly different from any of these other human forms, so primitive in many aspects. It represents a lost hominin community within which our species evolved.

I think we have to reexamine much of what we thought we knew about our shared evolutionary past in Africa. We know a lot of information from a few very tiny geographic areas. But the largest parts of the continent are unknown – they have no fossil record at all.





Explorers Mathabela Tsikoane, Maropeng Ramalepa, Dirk van Rooyen, Steven Tucker (seated), and Rick Hunter (seated) inside the Rising Star cave system.
Wits University/Marina Elliott



We’re working to change that, and as our team and others make new discoveries, I’m pretty sure we are going to find more lineages that have been hidden to us. H. naledi will not be the last.

The first Homo naledi discoveries were made in the Dinaledi Chamber. What led researchers to the second chamber? And what did you find there?

The Dinaledi Chamber is one of the most significant fossil finds in history. After excavating only a very tiny part of this chamber, the sample of hominin specimens is already larger than any other single assemblage in Africa.

The explorers who first found these bones, Rick Hunter and Steven Tucker, saw what the team was doing when they were excavating in the chamber. The pair realised that they might have seen a similar occurrence in another part of the cave system. The Rising Star system has more than two kilometres of mapped passages underground. In another deep chamber, accessed again through very tight underground squeezes, there were hominin bones exposed on the surface.

Our team first began systematic survey of this chamber, which we named the Lesedi Chamber, in 2014. For two years Marina Elliott led excavations, joined at times by most of the team’s other experienced underground excavators. They were working in a situation where bones are jammed into a tight blind tunnel. Only one excavator can fit at a time, belly-down, feet sticking out. It is an incredibly challenging excavation circumstance.





Geologist Dr Hannah Hilbert-Wolf studying difficult to reach flowstones in a small side passage in the Dinaledi Chamber.
Wits University



The most significant discovery is a partial skeleton of H. naledi, with parts of the arms, legs, a lot of the spine and many other pieces, as well as a beautifully complete skull and jaw. We named this skeleton “Neo”. We also recovered fragments of at least one other adult individual, and one child, although we suspect these bones may come from one or two more individuals.

Is there a way for people to view these discoveries in person?

On May 25 – Africa DayMaropeng at the Cradle of Humankind World Heritage Site outside Johannesburg will open a new exhibit with the discoveries from the Lesedi Chamber and the Dinaledi Chamber together for the first time.

For people outside South Africa, the data from our three-dimensional scans of the new Lesedi fossils are available online.

The ConversationAnyone can download the 3D models, and people with access to a 3D printer can print their own physical copies of the new fossils, as well as the fossils from the Dinaledi Chamber. It’s a great way for people to see the evidence for themselves.

John Hawks, Paleoanthropologist, University of Wisconsin-Madison

This article was originally published on The Conversation.

Families in the dark waiting for Eskom

Many Wallacedene residents have been without electricity because of faulty installation

By Vincent Lali
13 July 2017
Photo of an informal settlement
Electrification has been completed at Wallacedene temporary relocation area, but many residents say the Eskom-installed boxes are faulty. Photo: Vincent Lali
Residents in a temporary relocation area (TRA) in Wallacedene, Kraaifontein, have been without electricity for months because of faulty electricity boxes installed by Eskom.

Some residents have returned to candles and paraffin, while others connect to their neighbours if they have electricity. In some cases, residents have electricity boxes that work, but they have not been getting their free electricity allocation since the boxes were installed. The City provides poor households with 25 or 60 free kilowatt hours per month depending on total usage (less than 250 kWh or less than 450 kWh on average per month).

Community leader Sibusiso Gibson says he has reported the problem numerous times to the manager in charge of electrification.

According to Eskom, the overall electrification of the TRA is complete and the last 38 customers were connected on 30 April. Eskom says it is in the the process of rectifying the problem “and could only attend to the problem once the customers brought it to our attention”.

But Gibson says he has been calling the manager in charge for months. “He always promises to come and sort out these problems, or says electricians are already on their way … In the end, nobody ever comes to help us.”

Resident Xolani Dimanda said his electricity box was installed in February and it has never worked. The electricians who installed it said it still needed a meter box to be attached. They said they were waiting for meter boxes from the City of Cape Town.

Resident Busisiwe Siganga also said that the electricians who installed her box told her they had run out of meter boxes. They promised to return but did not.

Sibanga then connected to her neighbour, but after the recent rains there was a short and she is now without electricity. Sibanga had waited six years for the electrification of Wallacedene. “I want the electricity box to work so that I can cook and boil water to wash my kids and keep my place warm,” she said. Siganga has two children, aged two and 11. “My kids’ grant money is not enough to buy electricity, so I desperately need free electricity,” she said. GroundUp spoke to several other residents with similar problems.

The City of Cape Town referred GroundUp to Eskom.

Provincial communication manager at Eskom, Jolene Henn, said, “We have found some meters were in fact installed faulty and we have taken this up directly with the supplier.”

She said, “A contractor has been appointed to correct the faulty meters and we are anticipating all work to be done by 16 July 2017.”
Busisiwe Siganga, 28, says the electricians never finished the installation in her shack. Photo: Vincent Lali

Published originally on GroundUp .

Why it's important to understand social media's dark history





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www.shutterstock.com



It was in April 2016 that Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg announced that the social media platform was providing its nearly two billion users the opportunity to livestream content. The move was viewed as a natural extension of the platform’s primary goal: providing a space for the average person to share their daily experiences, from the mundane to the meaningful.

Almost as quickly, users found ways to live-broadcast the worst of their nature, including the “Easter Day slaughter” in which the fatal shooting of a 74-year-old Cleveland grandfather was livestreamed.

In response, calls have increased for Facebook to either shutter the service or find a way to better regulate its content. Rev. Jesse Jackson, for example, remarked that Facebook Live is being used by people “as a platform to release their anger, their fears and their foolishness.”

Many have referred to these behaviors as Facebook’s “dark side” and demanded that the company find a solution to prevent such antisocial behavior.

However, a brief look through the history of social media shows us that dark behaviors are neither unique to Facebook nor something new to today’s users.

A dark history


Poet and technology author Judy Malloy wrote about the earliest precursors to social media networks as places of creativity and community. For example, programs such as Berkeley’s Community Memory allowed 1970s users a digital space to post content and share stories for others in the community to read, with popular content including personal ads and short stories.






An early French Minitel terminal. Early social media days had their dark moments as well.
Christian Heindel, CC BY-SA



Yet even those halcyon days had their dark moments. In 1985, author Lindsy Van Gelder wrote about her experiences with the CompuServe CB Simulator, one of the world’s first online chat rooms. Among the popular channels in CB Simulator were those devoted to romance and relationships, which were of particular interest to LGBTQ individuals who found it difficult to discuss gender identity and sexual preferences in public. While many users found love online – a 1991 wedding hosted in CB Simulator is thought to be the first online wedding – in Van Geldr’s case, she was deceived into an intimate online romantic relationship by a man posing as a disabled woman.

Stories of sexual aggression turned perhaps darker in 1998, when technology journalist Julian Dibbell wrote about a sexual assault that took place in a text-based online world called LambdaMoo. The notion of a sexual assault online might seem odd given that users have no physical contact with one another. Yet, a LambdaMoo user named “Mr. Bungle” hacked the program in a way that allowed him to have complete control over other users’ behaviors, such as their conversations and descriptions of their movements.

He used this hack to cause users to engage in obscene and violent sexual acts with their own bodies, having the players describe where and how they were touching themselves and others, but without consent, according to Dibbell’s account. Mr. Bungle claimed that his actions were just a prank, despite his victims’ insistence that they had been humiliated by his actions (or at least the actions that he forced them to perform or describe while performing). The story is notable, given that online relationships can be just as intimate and important as offline ones.

Fast forward to early 2006, and the story of Evan Guttmann and his friend’s stolen Motorola Sidekick mobile phone captivated the internet. What started as a simple blog about a teenager who refused to return the phone to its rightful owners turned into a story of a growing internet mob – followers of Evans’s blog tracked down the teen’s home address and harassed the family.

Later in 2006, users of MySpace would hear the tragic story of Megan Meier, a Missouri teenager who took her own life after the boy she met online (a MySpace user named “Josh”) shunned her. It was only later, after investigations were done, that Megan’s family found out that the boy “Josh” was really the mother of a girl that Megan had recently gotten into a fight with. That incident led to the passage of the United States’ first cyberbullying laws.

Understanding social media


These stories are examples of what can happen when a single user discovers ways to use a technology that weren’t intended by designers: using the anonymity of CompuServe to deceive, using clever programming scripts to alter other users’ behaviors, using blogs to draw attention to a minor offense, and using social media to create a false identity. In each case, deceptions and actions had dramatic real-life consequences for those involved.






How can we understand today’s social media?
Vasin Lee/Shutterstock.com



Most importantly, these stories serve as examples of how to understand Facebook specifically, and social media in general. It is important that users realize that the ethics of Facebook communication are no different than the ethics of any other form of human communication. Rather than dismissing social media as wasteful and distracting and passing this perspective on to our children, they need to recognize that the enterprise of human communication is as meaningful online as it is offline.

Commentators have blasted Facebook’s livestreaming option as “essentially barrierless broadcasting system,” but such critiques ignore the benefits of that “barrierless” broadcasting, such as connecting families separated by oceans and providing voice to persecuted groups. Even violent footage can, at times, be beneficial: The Facebook Live broadcast of a July 2016 police shooting in Minnesota served as a powerful reminder about social injustice and policing in the United States. Counterterrorism forces have come to rely on social media posts to track and better understand terrorist activities online.

The ConversationTo combat misuse of livestreaming, Facebook recently announced the hiring of an additional 3,000 monitors to screen live videos. However, in my view, ultimately, the responsibility for the content of social media falls to the digital citizens who create and interact in the space on a daily basis.

Nicholas Bowman, Associate Professor of Communication Studies, West Virginia University

This article was originally published on The Conversation.

Wednesday, July 12, 2017

How corruption is fraying South Africa's social and economic fabric




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Protests escalate as corruption and public sector incompetence in South Africa hamper the provision of basic services.
EPA/Kim Ludbrook



South Africans are not happy. According to the recent Bloomberg’s Misery Index, South Africa is the second-most miserable country on earth. Venezuela tops the list of emerging countries.

This isn’t too surprising considering that the country is embroiled in multifaceted crises. It also has among the highest unemployment and inequality levels in the world.

Unfortunately, recent credit rating agency downgrades as well as the fact that the country is in recession mean that these horrid conditions are unlikely to reverse soon.

Consequently, the poor in South Africa have little chance of improving their lives. They will therefore be even more reliant on the provision of state services. They will also increasingly be on the receiving end of the two extractive systems that are deeply embedded in country’s socio-political and economic systems.

The first is the patronage and state capture machinery as recently documented in a report by leading academics. The effect of this corruption is that the capital allocated for service delivery is wasted, the private sector is crowded out, and the monopolising positions of dysfunctional state owned enterprises distort the economy.

The second is where state capture merges with patronage politics at local government level. This is accomplished by managing and staffing municipalities with unqualified party loyalists – or close associates – who disseminate services inefficiently from a shrinking pool of capital, while further extracting rents through a sub-layer of corruption.

The effect is that the poor must pay an additional tax in the form of bribes for access to mispriced and inefficient state services. In addition, as the looting via state capture and municipal corruption intensifies, service provision and delivery declines. This means that the poor are then subject to bribe inflation to gain access to shrinking capacity. Violent service delivery protests inevitably escalate.

Demographics and education


South Africa’s five year average economic growth rate declined from 4.8% over the 2004-2008 period to 1.9% over the 2009-2013 period. Between 2014 and 2016 it averaged 1.1%. At the same time irregular, wasteful, and unauthorised expenditure ballooned. It’s therefore not surprising that the number of violent protests increased from an average of 21 a year between 2004 and 2008 to 164 a year between 2014 and 2016.

Unfortunately, South Africa’s demographics and education statistics don’t suggest that this trend is likely to reverse soon.

South Africa’s youth statistics are depressing. Young people between the ages of 15 to 35 comprise 55% of the country’s 36 million working age population. Of the 19.7 million youths, only 6.2 million are employed while 3.6 million are unemployed but still actively looking for work, and 1.53 million have stopped looking for work. The remaining 8.4 million are at school, tertiary education, or are homemakers.

Youth unemployment is 36.9%. This is nearly double the unemployment rate among adults. Among black youth, 40% are unemployed compared to 11% of white youth.

Taking the level of education into consideration, 2011 data show that the unemployment rate for 25 to 35 year olds who had less than a matric was 47%, compared to 33% for those that had a matric, and 20% for those with a diploma or post-school certificate. But if one looks at the younger group of 20 to 24 year-olds, 16% are in school, 12% are in post-schooling education, 21% are employed, and 51% are unemployed and not in any education or training.

Considering that the percentage of black professional, managerial and technical workers in the 25 to 35 age bracket dropped by 2% over the past 20 years (meaning that this generation is less skilled than their parents), the statistics in the 20 to 24 age bracket indicates that this trend is likely to worsen.

Worryingly, studies show that countries, such as South Africa, that have a youth bulge and poor education attainment are likely to suffer from political instability. This is because if the demographic transition occurs in a stagnant economy with a high level of corruption then the low opportunity costs increase the likelihood of political violence by poorly educated young men.

Fixing systemic failures


South Africa’s current crisis is a systemic failure extending across national and local government. Although it’s possible that the political cost of corruption is now reaching unacceptable levels, reversing the effects of state decay on the poor will take short-run and long-run interventions.

Short-run measures will need to include holding public officials to account, reforming state owned enterprises and reversing the numerous institutional weaknesses at all levels of government.

But public and private stakeholders will also need to formulate long-run policies that will improve the quality and through-put of the country’s junior and secondary education systems, and entrench youth employment incentive schemes. In addition, skills training will need to be reformed and reinvigorated, and the technical vocational educational system will need to be reconstructed.

The ConversationIf South Africa is to recover, then the country’s badly frayed socio-economic fabric will need to be restitched, not just patched.

Sean Gossel, Senior Lecturer, UCT Graduate School of Business, University of Cape Town

This article was originally published on The Conversation.

Heated civil society meeting debates secret ballot

Opposing positions presented by Makhosi Khoza, Bantu Holomisa and Steven Friedman

By Barbara Maregele and Natalie Pertsovsky
12 July 2017
Photo of a banner and a man
United Democratic Movement (UDM) leader Bantu Holomisa at Community House in Salt River on Tuesday during a panel discussion hosted by #UniteBehind, a coalition of civil society organisations. Photo: Ashraf Hendricks
ANC MP Dr Makhosi Khoza made headlines across the country recently by breaking ranks with her party. She has publicly supported a secret ballot in the lead up to the vote of no confidence in President Zuma.

“I was questioning, how do you divorce yourself from your moral compass from the decisions you make in Parliament? After that, I received numerous death threats. I was told that people would be coming to my house. Those who use social network will know my address because the ANC Youth League posted it online because they were going to picket at my house,” Khoza told a panel discussion at Community House in Salt River on Tuesday evening hosted by #UniteBehind, a coalition of civil society organisations .

Loud gasps and remarks of dissatisfaction could be heard in the hall when Khoza revealed that her daughter had also received death threats.

“We all believe in transparency and accountability, but we are here talking about real people who have gone through real situations. They are now sending these threats to my daughter. Why should I die in silence?” said Khoza.

But Director of the Centre for Democracy at the University of Johannesburg Steven Friedman said a secret ballot would “leave the door open to corruption”.

“The way a democratic system works is on precedent. If we have the secret ballot on this issue, then what other issues will be voted on using secret ballots? If we go this route this time, we open the way for more secret ballots, more unaccountability, and more brown envelopes,” he said.
Director of the Centre for Democracy at the University of Johannesburg Steven Friedman said a secret ballot would “leave the door open to corruption”. Photo: Ashraf Hendricks
Also on the panel discussion was United Democratic Movement (UDM) leader Bantu Holomisa. The UDM took the matter to the Constitutional Court which ruled that the Speaker of the National Assembly has the power to decide whether a vote of no confidence in the president can be held in secret.

Holomisa said, “There are many implications for MPs who feel that Zuma has lied and they no longer want to tow the party line. They will be intimidated and labelled as someone who is ungovernable or may even be killed.”

Holomisa said that should the Speaker opt to not grant the secret vote, she will be expected to provide reasons for her decision.

“If the electoral system was transparent and promoted accountability, we wouldn’t be talking about this today. Mbeki was withdrawn overnight and no one made an issue about that. Zuma must face this secret ballot because he has threatened his own people. This secret ballot is going to protect those who want to vote and follow their own conscience,” he said.

But Friedman disagreed. “There are people in this country who want to buy politicians, and that’s part of what state capture is all about. If you have a secret vote, it is a lot easier to buy over politicians than if it were done in public.”

“Those who are elected, need to explain to us what they do and why they do it. You cannot have accountability if the people you voted for do things in secret,” he said.

Friedman said that he was willing to “make a pretty large bet” that the results of a secret vote would be the same as if it were done in public.

Khoza said, “I don’t think we will have a true reflection of what some MPs truly stand for if you tell some of the MPs that tomorrow they will not get an income if they don’t vote along the party lines,” she said.

Friedman replied: “The argument that MPs are worried about losing their salaries is one I have no sympathy for. If you’re a public representative then you have to accept that your job is to look after the interests of the people who voted for you.”

Chairing the event, Axolile Notywala, general secretary of the Social Justice Coalition announced that the #UniteBehind coalition will be having a mass march to Parliament at noon on 8 August to urge the ANC to recall President Zuma.

People’s vote

In anticipation of the Vote of No Confidence, the #UniteBehind Coalition, which includes the Social Justice Coalition (SJC), Equal Education, Women’s Legal Centre, Sonke Gender Justice and Right2Know, has been setting up polling stations in the Western Cape allowing citizens to cast their votes against or in favor of Zuma.

“The polling stations are meant to say that ANC MPs must vote President Zuma out,” said Notywala. “It’s a way to show individual people on the ground have had enough.”

According to Zukie Vuka of #UniteBehind, the coalition set up polling stations in Delft, Khayelitsha, Mowbray, Rondebosch, Fish Hoek, Mutual Station, and Maitland.
Notywala said they will announce the results from the polling stations the same day as the Vote of No Confidence.

Published originally on GroundUp .