Friday, August 4, 2017

From the mundane to the divine, some of the best-designed products of all time




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Poul Henningsen’s Artichoke Lamp, viewed from below at London’s Park Plaza Hotel.
Doc Searls/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA



A well-designed product equally elevates form and function. It is pleasing to look at, easy to use and solves a common problem.

We reached out to five design professors and posed the following question: What’s the best-designed product of all time, and why?

Their responses vary from cheap, everyday products to newer, more expensive ones. But all share a story of trial, error and ingenuity.



Cutting the glare


Catherine Anderson, The George Washington University

In the early 1920s, as Danish designer Poul Henningsen observed Copenhagen at night, he lamented the quality of light in people’s homes. He noticed that the incandescent bulbs – sometimes bare, sometimes surrounded by a single shade – created “arrows of light” and a harsh glare.

Henningsen set out to create a new design that would mitigate this “dismal” effect; it would be “…constructed with the most difficult and noble task in mind: lighting in the home.”

“The aim is to beautify the home and who lived there,” he wrote, “to make the evening restful and relaxing.”

His approach was scientific. He rigorously examined how using multiple shades could cast a warm glow of light within a room.

In 1924, the “PH lamp” was born.





Poul Henningsen’s PH lamp.
Holger.Ellgaard/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA



It’s delightful to look at. But most importantly, it emits a light that’s forgiving to the eye – an effect that’s created by the multiple shades, which evenly distribute the light. This creates a soft halo that attenuates the contrast between the light source and the surrounding darkness.

Henningsen’s sleek, spare lamp was awarded a gold medal at the 1925 International Exhibition of Modern Decorative and Industrial Arts. Over the years, it inspired many offshoots, such as the Artichoke Lamp, and became a product worthy of kings: In 1938, a train compartment for Danish King Christian X included one of Henningsen’s lamps.

All underscore the strength of the original design, which can still be bought today.



Holding it together


Lorraine Justice, Rochester Institute of Technology

For years I took the simple paper clip for granted. As a kid I’d twist them apart to hang Christmas ornaments. In my teens I’d use them to shoot rubber bands at my friends. And in the 1990s I’d straighten them to pop a software floppy disk from a defective hard drive.

It wasn’t until I became a design student that I realized the paper clip – which is officially patented as a “gem paper clip” – was a near-perfect design: elegant, functional and made of steel, a sustainable and recyclable material.





11 billion sold in America – per year.
'Paperclip' via www.shutterstock.com



But the paper clip had a long path to the flawless form we know today.

The paper clip started out as a pin that pierced the papers to hold them together. The sharp pins would prick the workers using them and were difficult to use. Thus began the gradual improvements: The straight pin morphed into something called a T-pin, a device with a horizontal wire on the end that allowed the pin to be pushed more easily through the papers without needlessly pricking fingers. However, this design still left holes in the papers.

In the late 1890s inventors in the United States and Europe began to work on new versions of the paper clip. In 1898, Pennsylvania inventor Matthew Schooley believed he had improved upon the pin design by creating two loops in the wire. But there was still a problem: A piece of wire extended from the loops and would catch and rip the paper. Many other inventors introduced various clasps, clips and metal-stamped designs, all in an effort to create a reusable paper binder that would be cheap, safe and secure.

Finally, in 1899, an inventor from Connecticut named William Middlebrook designed the gem paper clip, along with a machine to manufacture it, to create the paper clip that we know today.

The iconic double loop design had just enough spring to hold several sheets of paper together – without snapping and without piercing fingers or paper. Today, Americans buy 11 billion paper clips every year, though they aren’t all used for binding pieces of paper – I doubt Middlebrook could have imagined that his invention would double as an ornament hanger and rubber band launcher.



Terminal waits


Craig M. Vogel, University of Cincinnati

In 1958, architect Eero Saarinen, who had been tasked with designing the main terminal for Washington Dulles International Airport, approached furniture designers Charles and Ray Eames – already famous for their Eames Lounge Chair – with a request: He wanted a public seating system for the terminal that was affordable, sturdy, stylish and versatile.

In 1962, the husband and wife team unveiled their tandem sling seating system. Even though it was designed to complement Saarinen’s terminal, it was so practical that it quickly became one of the most common seating solutions for airports around the United States – and, eventually, the world.

Because public seating gets so much use, it needs to be sturdy and easy to maintain. Cost is always an issue, so designers are often hamstrung if they want to make something that’s aesthetically pleasing.

An iconic example of the principles of midcentury modernist design, Eames’ seating system was an elegant and simple solution to all of these problems. It ships in parts, is easy to put together and maintain, and is tamper-proof.



The chairs are sturdy but lack a cumbersome support structure, which makes it easy to clean the floor under the seats. The configuration is flexible: Rows can be as small as two seats and as long as eight.

Furthermore, there are only three main materials used in the design: aluminum, vinyl and neoprene (a synthetic rubber). Even though the materials are cheap, they look expensive and upscale. The sling seat cushion slides into a slot and never tears. Meanwhile, the width of the seat accommodates a wide range of body types.

And if travelers miss their flight and need to spend the night in the terminal, the seat and seat back are angled in a way – like the Eames Lounge Chair – that allows its occupant to get some shut-eye.



Dial ‘D’ for design


Kalle Lyytinen, Case Western Reserve University

American industrial designer Henry Dreyfuss’ AT&T Model 500 phone is one of the most iconic and recognizable products of the 20th century. The phone – together with its design process – was a harbinger of many design principles used today.

Rotary phones – which feature a round dial with finger holes – first emerged in the early 20th century. But many of these were bolted to the walls or required two separate devices for speaking and listening.

In addition, early telephone users would call into operators, who would use a switchboard to connect callers. When this process became automated, designers needed to figure out a way to offer an intuitive interface, since callers would be dialing more complicated number sequences (essentially doing the “switching” on their own).

Though earlier models came close to addressing these needs, the 500 model elevated the design, adding several functions that forever changed the way phones would be used.

AT&T’s first rotary phone in 1927 (dubbed “the French Phone”) had an integrated handset for both the loudspeaker and the microphone, but it was cumbersome to use. Meanwhile, Dreyfuss’ earlier model from 1936, the 302, was made out of metal and also had an awkwardly shaped handset.

Then, in 1949, his Model 500 came along.





Do your grandparents still have a Model 500?
ProhibitOnions/Wikimedia Commons



Employing new plastic technology, the phone’s handset was smooth, rounded and proportional, an improvement on unwieldy earlier versions. It was the first to use letters below the numbers in the rotary – a boon for businesses, since phone numbers could now be advertised (and remembered) as mnemonic phrases (think American Express’ “1-800-THE-CARD”).

The 500 phone was also the first to undergo a design process that used ergonomic (comfort) and cognitive experts. AT&T and Dreyfuss hired John Karlin, the first industrial psychologist in the world, to conduct experiments to evaluate aspects of the design. Through extensive consumer testing, the designers were able to tweak all minutiae of the product – even minor details like placing white dots beneath the holes in the finger wheel and the length of the cord.

Including its later incarnations, the phone would go on to sell nearly 162 million units – around one per American household – and become a presence in living rooms, kitchens and offices for decades to come.



Changing the way we work and play


Carla Viviana Coleman, University of Maryland, Baltimore County

In recent years, virtual reality glasses have hit the market. They don’t come cheap: Most cost US$3,000 to $5,000.

But one of these models – the Microsoft HoloLens – has sold thousands of units since its first shipment in 2016.

The HoloLens allows users to interact with a 3D digital world and simultaneously see what’s around them in the real world. In order to operate the interface, users can make hand gestures, talk or simply gaze.

The product was designed with ergonomics in mind: Users can adjust the head size, the head band and glasses. The weight – distributed throughout the crown area – prevents pressure on the nose and ears. Users can even wear their own glasses or wear their hair up in a pony tail. This is a key difference from most VR headsets – like the HTC Vive – which are heavy, cumbersome products.





The future is holo.
Ramadhanakbr/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA



While one could easily imagine a new generation of video games being designed for the HoloLens, a number of employers have realized the glasses can improve workplace productivity and ease the burdens of certain jobs.

For example, the company ThyssenKrupp, which manufactures elevators and escalators, has begun giving HoloLenses to its elevator technicians, with the idea that the glasses will allow them to access data much more efficiently. The employees can multitask, choosing either to lift up the spherical visor or to keep it in front of their eyes as needed – all while working in a cramped elevator shaft.

Meanwhile, medical schools are using the HoloLens to train doctors without using cadavers, while Volvo is using it to design new car models.

The ConversationIf the price goes down, the market for this product – currently in the thousands – could easily multiply into millions.

Catherine Anderson, Assistant Professor of Interior Architecture and Design, George Washington University; Carla Viviana Coleman, Assistant Professor of Design, University of Maryland, Baltimore County; Craig M. Vogel, Director of the Center for Design Research and Innovation, University of Cincinnati ; Kalle Lyytinen, Iris S. Wolstein Professor of Management Design, Case Western Reserve University, and Lorraine Justice, Dean of the College of Imaging Arts and Sciences, Rochester Institute of Technology

This article was originally published on The Conversation.

South Africa will be better off if the vote to oust Zuma proves to be a damp squib




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The opposition is determined to get rid of President Jacob Zuma even if it means overriding democracy.
Flcker/GCIS




Relying on one event to change a country usually ends in tears – particularly when you pin so much on it that you endanger your future.

The event on which many in the South African mainstream are pinning their hopes is the motion of no confidence in President Jacob Zuma proposed by opposition parties and scheduled for August 8.

Zuma’s governing African National Congress has a comfortable parliamentary majority and seven previous no confidence votes have failed: but this one has taken on almost mystical significance among opposition parties and citizens’ groups that oppose Zuma and commentators.

One opposition politician, Julius Malema, claims enough ANC legislators support the motion to assure a majority. While others don’t go that far, they hint that it could succeed. But there is a catch: the motion will only pass, they say, if representatives can vote in secret, which needs the help of the courts.

What they want Parliament – and the courts – to do would damage South African democracy. But, they insist, so important is the no confidence vote that it’s worth bending the rules - once only – to win it.

This ignores reality. Democracies are shaped by precedent - “once off” exceptions usually become part of the political furniture. And so it is good news for democracy that they won’t get what they want – the “make or break” no confidence vote is likely to be a damp squib and this means that the assaults on democracy which accompany it probably will not happen.

Why elected officials shouldn’t vote in secret


Democracies don’t allow elected representatives to vote in secret. Citizens are entitled to a secret vote because they speak only for themselves: their votes are no one’s business. Elected representatives speak for voters - their votes are everyone’s business. And it’s easier to buy a lawmaker’s vote if the public doesn’t know which way they voted.

The stated reason for suspending openness is that MPs are being intimidated to oppose the motion: Makhosi Khoza, an ANC MP who plans to vote against Zuma, has been threatened with violence and some opponents of the president’s faction in the ANC have been shot. But if people want to kill politicians who vote a particular way, they can find out which way they voted in secret. If a judge were threatened with violence to influence a judgment, democrats would not insist she ruled in secret. They would protect her so she can judge in public.

But much of the “intimidation” is simply normal politics. The threats lawmakers are said to face is losing their seats by bucking party discipline. Whether MPs should vote the party line is an important debate. But democracy would cease to be democratic if MPs were guaranteed their jobs. Parties, as well as voters, can remove them.

Bending the rules


Opposition parties have turned to the courts. The problem is that the courts aren’t being asked to interpret law – they’re being asked to defeat Zuma.

First, the opposition parties that took the secret ballot issue to court were expecting the judges to order parliament to hold a secret ballot, destroying the principle that the legislature is responsible to voters, not judges. The judges refused, leaving the decision to Parliament’s speaker.

Now the opposition Economic Freedom Fighters says that, if the speaker doesn’t allow a secret ballot, they will ask the court to declare that she acted irrationally and to overturn her decision.

It is fashionable to want courts to declare irrational decisions opposition parties don’t like: parties have also asked the courts to declare a recent cabinet reshuffle irrational. But who occupies elected positions and how parliament votes are a matter for voters, not courts. The courts are not going to overturn election results because some people don’t like the winning candidate and, since the principle is similar, they won’t apply legal tests to political decisions.

There is a great irony in these attempts to override democracy to get rid of Zuma. They are almost certainly futile since there’s little prospect the vote will remove him, even if it is held in secret. The motion may not be debated at all – it could be snarled up in court challenges demanding a secret ballot. If it is, at least 53 ANC MPs would need to support it and it’s hard to see that happening.

Those who want a secret ballot say many ANC lawmakers want Zuma gone but are reluctant to support the motion because they need their jobs. Secrecy, they say, would allow them to vote for the motion. Many MPs do need the income, but that’s not the only factor at play.

Misplaced excitement


The ANC spent much of its life as a beleaguered movement and so loyalty to it is an important part of its ethos: voting for an opposition motion of no confidence goes against that ethos’s grain and this may matter even if MPs can keep their jobs. This is why the South African Communist Party, which wants Zuma gone, is not telling its MPs to support the motion. Zuma’s ANC opponents are more focused on winning control of the organisation at the end of the year (when they may well remove him) than in getting him out now. So excitement about the vote misreads ANC politics by remaking the party in the image of those who comment on it.

The vote will not change politics by removing Zuma. It also won’t change the role of the courts because the Constitutional Court has signalled that it knows the limits of its power. Unless the speaker sets democracy back by allowing a secret vote, the no confidence vote may leave the country exactly where it was before it started.

The ConversationThis is not ideal but is a great deal better than the costs of suspending long-term principle for short-term gain.

Steven Friedman, Professor of Political Studies, University of Johannesburg

This article was originally published on The Conversation.

Zuma no confidence vote: the ANC is the loser, whatever happens




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South African President Jacob Zuma with Parliament’s Speaker Baleka Mbete.
Flickr




South Africa’s governing African National Congress has got itself into one hell of a pickle. Next week the National Assembly will debate an opposition motion of no confidence in President Jacob Zuma.

Were the motion to succeed, Zuma and his entire cabinet would be forced under the constitution to resign. The Speaker of the House would then become Acting President for up to 30 days while it goes about the business of electing a replacement, who would then serve as state president until the expiry of the present term of parliament in early 2019.

Yet the reality is that, save a political tsunami, the motion won’t succeed even though it’s common currency that Zuma is irredeemably corrupt and that he has sold his country out to the Gupta family. He has also alienated many of the ANC’s traditional allies, and the performances of the government and the economy under his rule have become increasingly shambolic.

Key figures in the ANC have indicated that their party’s MPs should vote with the opposition. These include former President Thabo Mbeki who has proclaimed that ANC MPs should vote in the national rather than the party interest. Similarly, the recently dismissed finance minister, Pravin Gordhan, has urged MPs to allow their consciences to dictate their votes.

Despite such calls, only two ANC MPs, Makhosi Khoza and Mondli Gungubele, have openly declared that they will vote with the opposition. The ANC has indicated it will subject Khoza to disciplinary proceedings. Gungubele may well face a similar fate. If the ANC follows through on its threats, both may lose their jobs (for if a party expels an MP from party membership, the MP concerned can no longer sit in parliament).

There are certainly other MPs sitting on the ANC benches who recognise the damage that Zuma has done. But it appears they have been held back from speaking out because of the threat of dismissal from parliament and the loss of salary and status that would involve.

It’s for this reason that the opposition has set such store on securing a secret ballot – reckoning that this will allow ANC MPs to vote in favour of the motion while circumventing the risk of party discipline.

ANC’s conundrum


When faced by the request of the opposition parties that she allow a secret ballot on the no confidence motion, Baleka Mbete, the Speaker of the House (and a member of the ANC’s National Executive Committee) declared that she did not have the power to grant the request under the rules of the Assembly. However, after being approached by opposition parties, the Constitutional Court subsequently ruled that a secret ballot was permissible, throwing the decision back into her lap. Mbete has yet to make public her decision.

The likelihood is that she will seek to deflect criticism by announcing in favour of a secret ballot – but only at the last minute.

But even if enough ANC MPs were to align themselves with the opposition to unseat Zuma, the ANC would remain in control of the immediate situation because it would retain its majority in the House, and it would be another ANC MP who would be elected to serve as president.

Yet win or lose the vote, the consequences for the ANC are dire.

Options for the ANC


The party faces three possible options:

  • The ANC wins the vote by a substantial majority, with only a handful of ANC MPs voting with the opposition. Supposedly this would be a massive victory for the ruling party, yet it will fly in the face of not just the parliamentary opposition, but a massive body of popular opinion throughout the country. The ANC would have voted to keep a deeply corrupt president in power, with probable long term disastrous electoral consequences. Any internal ANC “reform” project will be more likely to fail.
  • The ANC just scrapes home by a small majority, indicating that a substantial body of the party’s MPs have voted for Zuma to go. Cue internal party turmoil. Will the dissident MPs own up? If they do, will they face party discipline? What would happen if the dissidents were known to include party heavyweights (and potential candidates for the party leadership at the party’s national congress in December 2017) such as Cyril Ramaphosa and Lindiwe Sisulu? Subjecting them to party discipline would risk not just massive intra-party division, but a split within the party – and the further danger that they might team up with the opposition.





Cyril Ramaphosa, Deputy president of South Africa.
Flickr/GCIS



  • The ANC loses the vote, and Zuma is forced to stand down as state president. In this case, the ANC is openly divided, and all hell would break out within the party ahead of its conference in December. An ANC MP, probably Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa, would be elected as state president, but Zuma would remain as party president.

The ANC would be at war with itself, with little or no prospect of it facing the electorate in 2019 in one piece. Were the ANC to offer Zuma an amnesty from prosecution, they would face a massive public backlash. If they didn’t, they would face the very real prospect of his having to face trial, with the party’s extraordinarily dirty linen being washed in public for the foreseeable future.

Whatever happens, Zuma will work ceaselessly and ruthlessly after the debate to secure the party presidency for his former wife, (and favoured candidate) Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, reckoning that in so doing, he will retain the power to shape events (and not least, to keep himself out of jail).

Meanwhile, those opposing Zuma will need to rapidly group behind one leader (presumably the new state president) if they are to stand a decent chance of securing enough control over the party organisation to defeat Dlamini-Zuma in December. Rivalry between the prospective anti-Zuma candidates for the party leadership (notably Ramaphosa, Lindiwe Sisulu and Mathews Phosa), would only weaken their chances of victory.

Ominous future


Tim Cohen, editor of Business Day, has indicated, sagely, that the Zuma presidency has begun to wind down as the #Gupta Leaks – the series of emails detailing the extent of the Gupta family’s control of the state – reveal more and more dirt. More and more ANC rats will desert the sinking ship and seek safety on a new (anti-Zuma) ANC vessel.

Yet even if the anti-Zuma campaign was to gain enough momentum for victory in December, it will come at massive cost. Not the least of these dangers is that the already alarmingly high rate of intra-party killing of rivals will increase.

It’s difficult to imagine that the ANC will be in any reasonable shape to face the electorate in 2019. Although ostensibly it may yet put on a decent show, it seems inevitable that it will lose numerous votes and a large swathe of MPs.

The ConversationThe looming danger is that in facing the risk of defeat, the party will be tempted to subvert a contrary result in the 2019 election.

Roger Southall, Professor of Sociology, University of the Witwatersrand

This article was originally published on The Conversation.

“It’s not nice to be a teacher at a school like this”

Sunshine Primary School is overcrowded, has too few toilets and lacks learning materials

By Nomfundo Xolo
4 August 2017
Photo of classroom
A hole in a classroom wall at Sunshine Primary School in Sodwana Bay. Photo: Nomfundo Xolo
Teachers at Sunshine Primary School in Sodwana Bay, in northern KwaZulu-Natal, say they are understaffed, have insufficient teaching materials and are forced to work in classrooms made of wood and zinc sheets. There are only five prefabricated classrooms at the school.

They want the school to be built in accordance with the Department of Education’s Norms and Standards. The school has 465 learners and only 10 teachers. It has four working toilets.
A teacher, who asked to remain anonymous, said that Sunshine started as a crèche. It was only registered as a public school in 2012 after an international organisation donated the prefabricated classrooms to the school, she said.

“We were approached by a Canadian programme called the African Pre-Schools Society who donated the first three [prefabricated] classrooms to the school. Two more classes were provided by the Department of Education. We were forgotten about soon after,” she said. “The number of learners grew each year, causing overcrowding and jeopardising the health and safety of the children. We have a handful of resources and facilities available.”

Another teacher said, “We have no basic teaching material such as charts and chalkboards. We also don’t have safety-approved classes or sufficient sanitation. You cannot tell me that any parent is proud to take their children to a school [made of] shacks with no furniture. It’s not nice to be a teacher at a school like this.”

She said that when it rains, teachers and learners have to mop the flooded classrooms before teaching can resume. “We have to cover gaps in the walls with blankets to prevent rain and wind from entering. The children have gotten used to it now. They even pin up their own jerseys,” she said pointing to a row of small jerseys hanging on a washing line nearby.

There are 76 Grade R learners using one of the prefabricated classes and 104 Grade 1 learners in another. Both of the classes have no desks or chairs. The Grades 5 and 6 classes, which consists of 45 and 35 learners respectively, have benches. Grades 2, 3 and 4 are currently being taught in zinc and wood structures. There is no electricity and learners have to share desks and chairs.

The teachers claimed that the School Governing Body (SGB) wrote to the District Office, the office of the local Chief and the Department of Physical Planning. Their pleas have gone unanswered, they said.

Abigail Ncube, a parent and volunteer cook at the school, said they are often forced to make meals outside because the school doesn’t have a kitchen. Many of the learners are from poor households and depend on the meal they got at school.

Ntozi Nxumalo, a parent, said that learners often got sick as there were no windows in some of the classrooms and others had holes in the zinc walls. “No child deserves to learn like this,” she said.
Spokesperson for the provincial education department Department of Education in KZN, Muzi Mahlambi, said that the department was aware of the conditions at Sunshine and have “escalated the issue to the Minister of Basic Education”.
Photo: Nomfundo Xolo

Published originally on GroundUp .

Port Elizabeth residents torch vehicles in housing protest

Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality commits to building homes for Westville residents

By Joseph Chirume
4 August 2017
Photo of burnt bus
Westville informal settlement residents torched a truck and a bus while protesting for houses and other services this week. Photo Joseph Chirume
About 300 residents of Westville near Kwadwesi in Port Elizabeth blockaded part of a busy intersection with tyres and large concrete pipes on Thursday. This follows nearly a week of protests over housing.

Residents are demanding that houses be built in the area and vital services such as water, electricity and tarred roads be provided. They claim these were promised to them nearly 20 years ago. The Westville informal settlement was established in 2000 by people who did not benefit from the Kwadwesi housing project nearby.

Earlier this week, police said that a bus and a truck were torched by protesting residents on Tuesday night. Protesters also barricaded roads in the area with burning tyres and concrete pipes.

On Thursday, police monitored protesters closely as they gathered in the streets.

A protester who refused to give her name said, “There are more than 5,000 people who live in this settlement. Most of us arrived here in 2000. Our shacks were demolished that year by the municipality. We then rebuilt the shacks.”

The woman said that officials from the municipality at the time had promised to supply the informal settlement with taps and electricity, but failed to do so. “We have had numerous meetings with the municipality and we learnt that there is an annual budget meant for ward 36, with Westville included. Where is that money going to when there is no development taking place?” she asked.

Residents said that emergency vehicles have difficulty accessing the settlement as there are no tarred roads. They also still use buckets for toilets.

A man who identified himself as Rasta said that they would continue protesting until they were addressed by Mayor Athol Trollip or Mayco Member for Human Settlements, Nqaba Bhanga.

“Other informal settlements like Joe Slovo in Kwadwesi and Ramaphosa in Motherwell have been developed with houses. We don’t have schools, clinics or shops. We go to clinics in Kwadwesi and Kwanoxolo,” he said.

Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality mayoral spokesperson, Sibongile Dimbaza, said “We are concerned with the plight of the residents of Westville. We held a community meeting on 27 June. We explained to residents that the plan to build houses has been approved by the provincial government through the Housing Development Agency. We will continue engaging them.”

Published originally on GroundUp .