Commuters climbing on a Khayelitsha-bound train. Photo: Mandla Mnyakama
According to the TomTom traffic index
Cape Town is the most congested city in the country and 48th in the
world, ahead of cities such as New York. For rail commuters, the
situation isn’t much better, with trains overcrowded to the point of
bursting and long delays. GroundUp found people clinging from the
outside to coaches and even locomotives. Some trains were only six
coaches long.
Daphne Kayster, Western Cape PRASA (Passenger Rail Agency of South
Africa) Acting Marketing and Communication Manager said the equivalent
of 11 train sets were destroyed by arson between October 2015 and April
2017.
“The main reason for the dramatic decrease in train performance is
directly related to pressure on the fleet due to losses from train fires
as well as vandalism to the infrastructure as a result of arson and
community protests,” she said.
“The demand for services far exceeds the available train supply as a
result of decades of disinvestment in rail and unprecedented growth of
informal settlements.
“The continuous theft or vandalism of assets, mainly cables and other
metal bearing components has led to a situation where services have
generally been unreliable and therefore not meeting customer
expectations,” said Kayster.
Commuters, however, blame Metrorail for the increasingly poor service, and reports of corruption and mismanagement in PRASA lend weight to their view.
GroundUp spoke to a number of commuters. They said they arrived late
for work and with winter arriving they returned home after dark making
them vulnerable to criminals. Commuters wait for a Khayelitsha-bound train. Photo: Mandla Mnyakama
Mzwandile Cuba of Langa, 60 and a father of five, said it was often
impossible for him to make it on time to work. “I usually caught a
7:17am Cape Town-bound-via-Pinelands train and changed at
Maitland for my work at Elsies River.”
But that train is now so overcrowded he has to wait for the next one.
He says his employers do not understand his difficulty and have issued
him with harsh warnings. He tried getting the earlier 7:20am train, but
it was very often delayed.
Lucy Somtsewu, 41 of Gugulethu and a mother of two, travelled every
weekday on a Cape Town-bound train for Mutual. She says the situation is
now so bad that instead of her monthly R150 train ticket for Nyanga to
Mutual Station she has to spend R32 a day on a taxi to get to work (R19
to Mutual and R13 for a return to Gugulethu).
Mavis Bhelesi, 58 and a mother of two, said it was usually only one
day in a week that the trains were on time on her route of Nonkqubela
Station (Site B, Khayelitsha) to Bellville.
“I was normally supposed to catch a 6am train and start work at
8:30am, but I am compelled to catch an earlier train because of the
serious delays,” she said. “I have used trains for more than 30 years …
but the issue appears too appalling nowadays … much worse since PRASA
took over in the past few years.”
“The company’s personnel tell us to move to another transport mode every time we lodge complaints with them,” she said. Commuters climbing on a Khayelitsha-bound train. Photo: Mandla Mnyakama
Published originally on
GroundUp
.
Astonishing Discoveries, Unearthed Secrets, and How to Heal
MCKINNEY, TX, May 18, 2017 /24-7PressRelease/ -- A. L. Bryant's
book, The Truth About White Supremacy, Sexism, and Mind Control in
America is nominated for a Global e-book Award.
America is a wounded nation! It is suffering because of the social
injustices that have been perpetuated by white supremacists and sexists
throughout history. Though some think we have left the past behind, this
is simply not true. There are constant reminders that we have not
progressed far from past discriminations, as evidenced by the social
injustices in recent media stories. Nearly one in five women are
sexually assaulted, yet the justice system doesn't seem to care. In
addition, many people simply do not vote for women, regardless of their
qualifications. When you have a society dominated by one group of people
who think alike, often they do not consider the rights of others.
America's wounds are not just issues for those who are discriminated
against; they are issues for the entire country.
The Truth About White Supremacy, Sexism, and Mind Control in America
takes you on a journey through the history of America to unearth the
truths behind white supremacy and sexism in society. Delve into the
deepest and most fascinating secrets behind racism and sexism--the
secrets they do not want you to know and may not realize.
Examine the origins and progression of racism, sexism, relationships in
America, and the science and psychology behind what is real and what is
an illusion. For example, many in society suffer from the Stockholm
Syndrome, yet are completely unaware of this disorder. Discover how mind
control is the weapon of choice to keep certain groups in power and
others in the dark and oppressed. This book gives different perspectives
from the physical to the metaphysical.
Finally, the book explores astonishing revelations about why we are
here, who we are, and how to heal and evolve to a higher spiritual
level. If those who discriminate accept the truth, they will rethink
their very existence. Explore proven facts that will challenge the way
one views people, life, and the universe.
About the Global E-book Awards
The Global E-book Awards honor and bring attention to the future of book
publishing - e-books. Now in its seventh year, the Awards are in over
100 specific categories. They are open to all publishers so that a
winner is the best in its category, not just the best of small or
regionally-published e-books. Most e-books are also available as printed
books as well.
Ordering Information
The Truth About White Supremacy, Sexism, and Mind Control in America is
currently available for $4.99 on several websites, including Barnes and
Nobles, Amazon, and BookBaby.com.
Eskom CEO Brian Molefe addressing the media. Alon Skuy/The Times
The return of Brian Molefe as CEO of South Africa’s largest state owned enterprise, the power utility Eskom, has caused outrage due to the circumstances under which he resigned in December last year.
Molefe left the power utility after a Public Protector’s inquiry alleged that he may have been involved in nefarious activities. The State of Capture report by the then Public Protector, Thuli Madonsela, showed extensive and irregular communication between Molefe and the Guptas, a family with close ties to President Jacob Zuma.
At the time Molefe’s backers – including board chairperson Ben Ngubane – glorified him. They attributed a turnaround in Eskom’s fortunes as a function of the CEO’s 18-month tenure. His supporters branded him as a messiah whose departure would have negative consequences for the power utility.
Similar sentiments were expressed more recently by Ngubane and Public Enterprises Minister Lynne Brown. She told a press conference that she supported his return as CEO as he was responsible for the fact that load shedding (organised power cuts) had stopped and the power utility was on sound financial footing.
But was Molefe’s performance as great as his supporters say it was? I suggest not.
It’s true that under Molefe’s reign power cuts across the country were brought to an end. In addition, Eskom reported better financial results last year.
But neither of these two developments had much to do with Molefe’s capabilities as a CEO. The power cuts ended primarily due to a decline in electricity demand – partly the consequence of a weakening economy – and new generation capacity that had been in the pipeline for years. And the improvement in a number of Eskom’s financial ratios was due in large part to massive financial support provided by the government in 2015.
Did Molefe end the power cuts?
Prior to Molefe’s arrival as CEO in March 2015 the power utility’s finances had been worsening and it was struggling to meet electricity demand. These challenges were largely due to a delay in investment by the government as well as slow increases in tariffs.
The delay in investment was due to government’s indecisiveness over a protracted period of time. And the slow increase in tariffs was the result of a desire to shield consumers from sharp increases and a mistrust of Eskom’s claimed needs.
South Africans lived through a period of extensive power cuts in 2007. Electricity generation capacity was unable to keep up with demand. The situation was largely saved by slowing economic growth combined with greater energy efficiency. These factors meant that electricity demand was already well below forecasts prior to Molefe’s appointment and continued this trajectory during his tenure as CEO.
Falling demand created a virtuous cycle in operations: lower demand put an end to the need to impose power cuts. It also opened up the opportunity to do maintenance on infrastructure, leading to greater availability of capacity and an even lower probability of power cuts.
To be sure, Molefe still had to ensure that Eskom continued to get the basics right. There’s little evidence that he did more than that. Instead, it seems that his predecessor, Tshediso Matona, was excessively negative in his outlook. This set up Molefe to appear as though he had pulled-off a dramatic success.
Molefe’s bailouts
What of the improvements in Eskom’s financial situation?
The view that Molefe was behind Eskom’s short-term financial turnaround was used to award him a R2.5 million performance bonus for the year ended 31 March 2016. (Molefe appears to have secured a R30 million retirement package when he tendered his resignation. Under the terms of his return to the job this will now no longer be paid.)
But a closer look suggests that Eskom’s financial improvement can’t be attributed to Molefe. In many respects it was the result of extraordinary support afforded to the power utility by the government in 2015.
This support, facilitated by two special appropriation bills passed by Parliament, had two main components. The first was an equity injection through which the National Treasury under which Eskom received R23 billion in exchange for shares. Since government is the sole Eskom shareholder, this translated into a straight cash gift.
The second component was even more significant. This involved government writing-off a R60 billion loan which had been approved in 2008 and disbursed in multiple tranches between 2008 and 2010.
If we treat Eskom as a genuinely independent entity, the full cost to national government and therefore the taxpayer of writing off the loan had two parts:
the remaining principal amount (around R30 billion), and
an additional R86 billion, the estimated cost of the state foregoing interest payments on the loan. According to the loan conditions, Eskom would have been required to pay this interest in the event that its financial situation improved.
Whether this financial support was desirable depends on your view of Eskom’s recent history. Many analysts agree that additional government support was overdue. But in relation to Molefe it raises a simpler question: if many of the improvements in Eskom’s financial ratios were due to massive transfers of cash and assets from taxpayers, did it make sense to pay its CEO a bonus that effectively also came from taxpayers?
Either way, closer analysis of Molefe’s supposed successes reveal that they are not what they have been made out to be. Combined with the failures of corporate governance with which he has been associated, the case for reappointing him as Eskom CEO appears to be paper thin.
Residents in East London say election promises were made to fix the problem
By Nombulelo Damba-Hendrik
Duncan Village residents have been complaining about
broken sewerage pipes in the area for more than 15 years. Photo:
Nombulelo Damba-Hendrik
A number of residents at Duncan Village Area 12B Informal
Settlement in East London told GroundUp they have been living next to
broken sewerage pipes for more than 15 years. They say they reported the
problem to various ward councillors who told them that the municipality
would fix the problem. They say promises were also made during the
local elections last year.
When it rains, dirty water from the drains flows into shacks and the
smell is unbearable. Close to 1,000 shack homes are affected. Community
leader Akhona Klass said, “The municipality is dragging their feet in
fixing the broken sewerage.”
When GroundUp visited the area last week, Nomkhamelo Singwentu, 62,
was sweeping away a pool of dirty water near her shack. Singwentu has
lived in the informal settlement for 25 years.
“I’m getting sick of cleaning this dirty water,” she said. “It’s been 15 years living next to this broken sewerage.”
A woman, who called herself Mambele and who has also been living in
Duncan Village for over 20 years, said that when they started the
informal settlement there were only a few shacks next to bushes.
Like other residents we spoke to, she has been hoping for all these
years that the municipality would move her to another area and give her a
proper house.
Ward 2 councillor Ntombizandile Mhlola said she is aware of the
broken sewerage in Area 12B and she has reported it to Buffalo City
Metropolitan Municipality (BCMM).
Spokesperson for BCMM Sibusiso Cindi also said they were aware of the
broken pipes. he said they were caused by “decaying infrastructure and
vandalism”. He said new sewerage pipes were being installed in the
surrounding areas.
Published originally on
GroundUp
.
Domestic workers’ struggle for housing, not a hidden agenda, is behind the campaign for Tafelberg
By Sheila Madikane
Reclaim the City leader Sheila Madikane meets Premier
Helen Zille outside her official residence at Leeuwenhof on 5 May 2017.
Photo supplied
Dear Premier Zille
My name is Sheila Madikane. I am a domestic worker, a housing
activist, and one of the leaders of Reclaim the City. We have met a
number of times over the last few weeks at protests and pickets after
you decided to sell the Tafelberg site. In each of these conversations I
have tried to point out our desperate need for affordable housing in
the inner-city, and in Sea Point where I live. I have told you what the
Tafelberg site represents to me, and other domestic workers and carers
in Sea Point: for us it is a symbol of hope, a way to desegregate our
city; to recognise the struggles of working-class people; to live and
work in the inner city. But we have not been heard.
Your decision to sell the Tafelberg site tells me that you do not
understand or acknowledge the experiences of people like me in this
city. This became clear to me when you said, in a recent column
for the Daily Maverick, that you are suspicious we have other agendas. I
hope this letter will make you rethink the reasons why so many are
fighting for Tafelberg to be used for affordable housing.
I was born and raised in Worcester but I have been living in Sea
Point since 1987. I remember my journey on the train to Cape Town and
spending my first night in this City at the station. In the morning I
took a bus to Sea Point and got off at Grand Bazaars, where the Shoprite
on Main Road is now located, to meet my aunt. My aunt was living on St.
John’s road, and each morning I would have to leave her room early, so
that her employers and the caretaker would not find out that I was
living with her. I would bathe using the public taps, because I was too
scared to use their facilities. I struggled to find a job, but I knew
that I couldn’t go back home because I had to provide for my
one-year-old daughter who I had left behind. Once I had found a job as a
domestic worker, my employer found me a room on St. John’s Road to
rent.
After a few years I moved into a room at Mimosa apartments, where I
found a part-time job as a domestic worker for two different families. I
lived at Mimosa for 16 years, before some of the “maids-quarters” were
closed down for those of us who were not employed full-time by the
owners of the units.
After a long struggle looking for alternative accommodation, I moved
into my current home which I share with my three daughters and
grandchild. My two younger daughters were born at Somerset Hospital and
have both attended school in the inner-city since crèche. My oldest
daughter currently works at the Waterfront, and both she and I access
our workplaces easily without having to incur a lot of travel costs. Sea
Point is the only community I have known in this city, and I have no
desire to get to know another. We feel safe here; we enjoy how vibrant
this area is; the easy access to shops, my children’s school and my
church. But each day our future here in Sea Point is more and more
uncertain.
Every week I see working people like me struggling to hold onto the
small cramped rooms that we live in. We are the ones who live in the
basement rooms, in the storerooms and in the “maid’s quarters”. The
landlords refuse to provide the most basic upkeep. There is damp and
rats. In many buildings there are strict rules. If you live down below,
you can’t use the main gate or the elevators.
Nobody wants us here anymore because we can’t afford to pay higher
rent. My friend Thandeka Sisusa and her daughter were evicted in January
from her room in the basement at Bordeaux. She tried to ask for more
time in court but the judge told her she must leave and ordered her to
pay costs. I helped her carry her fridge, her bed and all her things
onto a bakkie. She’s trying to save enough money to buy a Wendy house so
she can live in a backyard in Langa. Everybody knows if you leave, you
don’t come back. I too am fighting against my own eviction.
Premier: these are the things we are concerned about. When you say
that you are suspicious of our agenda it hurts. You do not see how
deeply we are affected by the housing crisis in this city. That the
government could allow Tafelberg, Helen Bowden Nurses Home and the
Woodstock Hospital site to remain empty for all these years, battered by
the elements, and home to only the birds, shows little regard for us.
We want to be able to live in Sea Point. We don’t want to be evicted. We want to pay a fair rent for a decent home. That is it.
When you suggest that Reclaim the City is anti-Semitic, then it seems
that you do not know the amount of support we have received from the
Jewish community in Sea Point and elsewhere, for the Tafelberg campaign.
You do not know the people that make up Reclaim the City. You seem to
be trying to sow division between us.
We would hoped that our campaign and our attempts to appeal to your
duty and conscience would have been sufficient to convince you. But, you
have not heard us - instead you have made a false accusation against
us. We are left with little choice but to fight in the courts, to secure
the only right and just outcome for the Tafelberg property.
This open letter was written with help from Reclaim the City supporter Hopolang Selebalo.
