Wednesday, September 28, 2016

Under-funding, not protests, is driving South African universities down global rankings


The most widely respected world university rankings have all recently published their latest results. The release of the Times Higher Education 2016-17 and Quacquarelli Symonds 2016-17 rankings have coincided with a resurgence in protests at many of South Africa’s universities.

Most of South Africa’s universities have dropped down these ranking tables.

Some people argue that the protests – which relate to fees, access and transformation and have occurred on and off for the past 18 months – are having a direct effect on universities’ global standing on rankings tables.

But it’s unlikely that the protests themselves are directly affecting rankings. Instead, decades of government under-funding in the higher education sector may be at least partly to blame.

The University of Cape Town (UCT), where I am a deputy vice-chancellor, has handed a memorandum to the Department of Higher Education and Training. It states:

We believe that government has not acted decisively to ensure sustainable and adequate funding to address the systemic crisis in the higher education sector. Government has placed an undue burden on students, parents and universities to fund higher education.

This may seem unfair: the government has dramatically increased the amount of money it gives to universities. But so have students. And educational inflation has played a part too. In real terms, the amount universities receive in state subsidy as a proportion of their total income has declined from 49% in 2000 to 40% in 2012.

Funding has a direct effect on many of the indicators that are used to measure performance in world university rankings. With less funding, staff-student ratios rise. Top staff, who produce the most papers, leave for more lucrative salaries abroad. Universities can’t afford to send their academics to many conferences, so fewer conference papers are produced.

How rankings are calculated


UCT has, for some time, been able to compensate for the drop in government funding for research. We’ve done this, for instance, by working hard to increase external income – particularly research grants and donations. This has been remarkably successful.

But not all South African universities are in a position to do this. And a point will be reached where external income, for which there is increasingly tough competition, is not enough. UCT may have reached that point. Some other universities will have reached it long ago.

Universities don’t yet need to despair. First of all, a drop in rankings does not mean a drop in actual performance. On most of the indicators, in most of the rankings, UCT continues to improve as it has done for many years. A number of our sister universities are, likewise, improving across several indicators: producing more papers, bringing in more income, increasing their proportion of postgraduate students – all important indicators of research performance.

But it is perfectly possible for an institution to improve its scores and still see a significant drop in the rankings. This is because scores are ranked and so performance is relative. If other institutions have improved their scores even more than yours, they will climb above your institution in the rankings.

This is important. It’s exactly what is happening to South African universities. Institutions from elsewhere in the world are improving much more significantly. And it is no coincidence that the countries which are seeing a rapid rise in the rankings are mostly those that have chosen to invest heavily in their universities.

The most startling example is China, whose various projects to produce top-ranked universities, such as the C9 initiative, are paying off spectacularly. Another well-performing BRICS competitor, India, spends 1.23% of its gross domestic produce (GDP) on tertiary education. This is compared to South Africa’s weak 0.74%.

After the release of its latest rankings Quacquarelli Symonds argued that levels of investment determine which institutions progress and which regress. Top American universities, which have significant endowments to rely on, and Asian universities, which have benefited from significant public funding, are rising. Many Western European universities, on the other hand, have seen cuts to public funding for research and are losing ground.

Reputation matters


There is one way in which the student protests themselves, rather than the under-funding that caused them, may directly affect some of the indicators by which universities are measured.

Each ranking uses different indicators to measure a university’s performance. But on the whole they are a combination of hard data, such as citations – the number of times an author has been cited, or referred to – and ratio of staff to students. There are also more qualitative “reputation” indicators. These are achieved by asking academics and employers to list the top institutions in their fields.

It is these “reputation” indicators that could be directly affected by the protests. Although they are intended to be objective, it does not require a great stretch of the imagination to believe that some academics who see South African institutions in constant crisis, with lectures cancelled, exams postponed and buildings burned, are affected at least subconsciously.

South African institutions were particularly hard hit in the reputation indicator in THE’s latest rankings. However, some universities that were affected by the protests bucked the trend: the University of the Witwatersrand rose in the THE rankings. So there is no clear evidence of a causal relationship between the protests and the universities’ performance in the rankings.

But does it matter?


In assessing the extent to which #feesmustfall protests might have affected South African universities’ rankings, I have left aside the much larger and more important question of whether it matters.

Universities certainly regard rankings with a measure of caution. Rankings are very imperfect measurements of excellence. They take no account of the contexts in which universities find themselves, particularly those based in developing or emerging economies. They do not measure some of the functions of a university that the sector would regard as critical: for instance, whether the research a university undertakes makes a difference, or whether the graduates it produces are thoughtful and productive citizens.

Nevertheless, the drop in rankings has been greeted with consternation in the media. The coincidence with the university protests could lead to a damaging narrative that the country’s universities are inevitably “going to the dogs”.

I can categorically state that UCT is nowhere near that kind of precipitous decline. However, if under-funding from government continues and the issue of fees is not resolved, I am less confident of our and our sister universities’ future.

The Conversation

Danie Visser, Deputy Vice Chancellor, University of Cape Town

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

Tuesday, September 27, 2016

Hold white people hostage

CICA – Crime Intelligence & Community Awareness – South Africa (CICA) respond to Mumsy Maphakela after hate speech, racist and incitement to violence posts were posted on social media. Here is the response.
Mumsy Maphakela you are disgusting – you should be charged with incitement to violence and hate speech telling protestors to take white people hostage.

 People like you will destroy South Africa. The corrupt politicians want and need racism to further their corrupt objectives. They WANT to “Divide & conquer” with racism to hide their antics, and you are helping them. Silly silly little child.

Your ignorance is astounding. We have black, white and Indian admin at CICA and we were discussing your vicious and blinded bigotry. Did you know that more than 70% of white people voted YES to end apartheid in the white only referendum which was held pre 1994??
You are no different to PennySparrow. You are disgusting and should be charged with hate speech.








Published today on South Africa Today – South Africa News

Monday, September 26, 2016

ANC Draws Closer To Launching Economic Redistribution and DNA Program

Recent ANC reports indicate that 23, 3 million black South Africans have more than 25 percent Western Eurasian DNA, and fit into the (B-) sub-group.

Scientists in Gauteng believe that a mysterious migratory event occurred around 3,000 years ago known as the ‘Eurasian backflow’ – when modern humans who left Africa around 50,000 years ago, suddenly flooded back. This resulted in a shift of DNA percentage in African populations over the course of a couple of generations. For many it resulted in a (B-) sub-group categorization, which is evident today.
This revelation is creating much angst within the ANC due to their hopes that the black (B+) group would be larger, thereby providing them with a smoother path towards accelerated economic empowerment.

Kebby Maphatsoe – veterans’ minister, has stated that the re-categorization of the (B-) sub-group is just a temporary setback, and will not slow their plans for economic advancement. Although he does not believe that the 23, 3 million people being categorized as ‘too low in black DNA’ will be well received, especially if it prevents them from full land and business ownership rights.

Some see this (B+) and (B-) System as an ANC strategy to speed up the transition of wealth from non-blacks to blacks (diminishing majority), in order to win back the hearts of many of their disillusioned voters. There is still consternation of how the population will react when 23, 3 million people are told they are essentially defined as non-blacks due to their excessively high levels of western Eurasian DNA levels.

Following defeats in recent municipal elections, politicians from the ruling, African National Congress have spoken out against what they call the new “economic apartheid”. As a result, there is renewed interest in implementing this new program to help facilitate a smoother economic distribution based on sub-Saharan DNA distribution across the broader population – they believe this will help swing voter support in metro areas back towards the ANC in 2019.

The big question will be how 23, 3 million people react when they are told they don’t have enough black DNA to qualify for full benefits.

Once again, our government appears to be sliding down a precipitous path of racial profiling to leverage their political muscle, and desperately hold onto their diminishing stranglehold over a country that so desperately needs a competent government who uses legitimate methods to spur the economy, not cosmetic surgery that only results in further scarring.

By Chris Mapasa

Published to day on South Africa Today – South Africa News

South Africa where you get so much and its not enough

his terrible place South Africa, where you get free RDP house, where you don’t pay tax if you don’t want to.

Where you get preferential treatment in the workplace when you are black. Where medical care costs you nothing.

Where you don’t need to pay the University because you have an NSF-bursary which you don’t need to pay back if you don’t want to.

Where you get Sassa-money every month for all your illegitimate children.

And it is still not enough…









 All images are from Font Nasionaal SA

Read the original article on Front Nasionaal SA – blad
Published on South Africa Today – South Africa News

Saturday, September 24, 2016

You come from where, Sir – myth of apartheid and forced removals

It is the year 1946. Exactly 70 years ago. After Word War II the newly-formed United Nations sanctioned a census among all member states to determine borders. In the Union of South Africa a census was diligently conducted. In the Union’s 472 494 square miles of land just over 11 million people made a living.

It was the year 1946. Two years before the National Party took office and as a government started to promote a policy of separate development (Apartheid). If you believe ANC and liberal propaganda you surely would have heard of the forced removals of approximately 1,5 million black people to black areas. The injustice of it! The inhumanity! The disgrace!
Now, here is where official figures come in, Sirs ANC, EFF and DA: the census was conducted per district in the Union and these figures are available.


You come from where, Sir - myth of apartheid and forced removals - Image -  Front Nationaal
You come from where, Sir – myth of apartheid and forced removals – Image – Front Nationaal

• First of all: your laughable figure of 1,5 million blacks being forcibly removed from white areas. It may come as a shock to you, Sirs, that less than 1,7 million blacks were living in the so-called “white areas”; 516 954 of those in just fifteen mining and industrial areas such as Witbank, Vereeniging, Springs, Roodepoort and Krugersdorp. These half a million black people were mostly mineworkers with their homes in their traditional areas and staying in hostels in the fifteen “white centres”. In the major cities including Cape Town, Bloemfontein, Pretoria, Port Elizabeth and Johannesburg whites outnumbered blacks by far. To tell the truth – in the 50 biggest cities and towns of the Union of South Africa whites outnumbered blacks by 1 220 416 to 951 834. Your propaganda of 1,5 million blacks being forcibly removed by bulldozers and the like, is a lie. It will always be a lie, no matter how many times you repeat it. Your land claims are lies, no matter how many times you repeat it.

 • The second lie of course is how blacks were held back in education. That the “white government” maintained almost five black schools for every one white school is ignored. A mere three years later, in 1949, Dr EG Malherbe told the international conference at Colombia University in the USA that the Union of South Africa (the ‘Apartheid State”) had further increased the black education expenditure tenfold and that black learners had doubled. The conference took note that Alan Paton’s book “Cry the Beloved Country” was utter nonsense. South Africa ended their financial year with a surplus of five million pounds.
• During the following fifty years after 1946 the National Party government built more than a million brick houses, schools, clinics and universities to accommodate the influx of blacks into “white” areas; apart from the millions of rand pumped into the traditional “homeland” areas in development. Soweto, Alexandra, Thokoza, Attridgeville, Sharpville… all burst out of their seams; subsidized heavily. Not shacks – brick houses, albeit small.

• The peaceful struggle by Zulu and Indian together against ‘Apartheid’, incidentally, proved another lie. In Durban Zulus bandied together against Indians and 137 people were killed; one white, 53 Indians and 83 Zulus. Thirty whites, 768 Indians and 1085 Zulus were injured. Zulu chieftain Ndodembi Ngcobo said: “A large number of children are born among my people who are not children of my race. They have straight hair like the hair of an Indian. This is a repugnant sight for Zulus, just as when a cow gives birth to a goat kid”.

• The Food and Agricultural Organisation of the United Nations apologized unconditionally to South Africa for erroneous statements in its annual report that black children in the Eastern Cape had starved because Union aid had been withdrawn. This was a lie spread by the Bantu representative in Parliament, Sam Kahn of the Communist Party.

• Far from just withholding aid from the black areas some of the “white majority” towns of 1946 were handed over to blacks – Mafeking to Boputhatswana, Rustenburg, Umtata to Ciskei etc. – all to advance the blacks in their own traditional areas.

CONCLUSION: The South African government was far from lily-white in their actions, but the figures and history show exactly how the communist ANC grabbed their opportunity for false propaganda as more and more African countries joined the UN, together with the Soviet Bloc, the East and China. The false propaganda continues to this day as the ANC, EFF and DA continue to blame everything on Apartheid, trying to rewrite history.

Front National SA has always said, and says it again: we don’t want to return to Apartheid simply because we never again want to take responsibility for any other race or ethnic group apart of our own. We want self-determination where we will not repeat the mistakes of the past by supplying jobs or opportunities simply to be overrun by an uncontrolled birthrate and liberal ideas of the “noble barbarian”. Once bitten, twice shy.

By Hannes Engelbrecht
Read the original article on Front Nasionaal SA – blad
Published on  South Africa Today – South Africa News