Seeing Whites As They Truly Collectively Are.

The Black Matrix: A Perception Management Program to Control Black People

Seeing Whites As They Truly Collectively Are.

The collective White psyche is rarely, if ever examined in particular regarding their predisposition for racism and greed of power. From their positions of power, whites examine and label all other races as they see fit, but rarely, if ever do they evaluate themselves or are evaluated by others.

While labeling all other races as being savages they have in fact been the most brutally savage throughout history.

Within the collective white psyche their exist an entrenched predisposition for racism that is matched only by their proclivity for deceit, greed and hunger for power.

They alone are the most arrogant and the race most predisposed to racism; all other races have been their enemies or their victims. Their subjugation, murder and exploitation of all other races are unparalleled.

Their history is consumed by unrivaled racism, as well as unjustifiable wars and crimes against humanity.

Behavioral scientists generally agree that the outstanding characteristic of the psychopathic personality are the almost complete absence of ethical or moral development and an almost total disregard for appropriate patterns of behavior.

"This characteristic has led to a misunderstanding of the psychopath, i.e., a belief that they do not know the difference between right and wrong . It is untrue -- psychopaths simply ignore the concept. By ignoring this trait in the White race Blacks have made and are still making a tragic mistake in basing the worldwide Black liberation movement on moral persuasion. It is pathological for Blacks to keep attempting to use moral persuasion on a people who have no morality where race is the variable." ~ Bobby E. Wright

THERE IS MUCH MORE:

We Black people have been deliberately brainwashed to believe that whites are genetically superior.
Forget all the lies that white media controllers have inundated you with in an attempt to infuse the myth of white superiority into your minds. Well come to the truth about the white race. No I'm not being a racist I'm showing you what they're hiding.

Do you know the real reason white people perform laboratory experiments on white lab rats is because those white lab rats share the same genetic code as they share? They share two common factors—the albino factor.

Those white rats are bred for their albinism and are deliberately inbred to mimic the genealogy of so-called “Caucasians.” White people perform experiments on white rats to see how experiments potentially go over in the human Caucasoid population.

If they want to know how something will impact the normal population, the benchmark used is a normally colored rat. In the human world, if they want to know how something will impact the normal human population, their benchmark is a black human being. Black humans contain the fully dominant developed genes and genealogy is the benchmark for normalcy. Whites genetics have far less genetic diversity than black genetic .

White people are far more prone to various genetic defects, malfunctions and disorders. White people also have thinner skins that ages more rapidly than the skin of black people. The bone density of white people are also less dense than those of black people.

Ever notice why white people have far more tolerance for milk? (they're the most lactose tolerant)
Since white people reflect sunlight with white skin, they do not synthesize vitamin D like normal people, and this automatically decreases calcium levels in the blood.

(This is why white
people-particularly white women--are at greatest risk for osteoporosis.) Their bodies always need calcium because it is always robbed from their bodies.
To compensate, they have to have calcium depleted from their bones, leaving their bones porous and weak and leaving whites susceptible to osteoporosis.

Normal people, after reaching a certain age, no longer need milk and should be waned off of it. In the wild, when was the last time you saw a full grown animal still suckling its mother?

Most Black adults do not require the need for milk as whites do. Black people are able to absorb Vitamin D they need from sunshine. Caucasians need supplements to help them make up for the Vitamin D deficiency.

This is why most people who are lactose intolerant are black people. White people are not only the most lactose tolerant, but most needy. In the supermarket, notice how many products have calcium added in them from orange juice and other fruit juices to breakfast cereal? All that extra calcium fortification is to aid whites in their inability to maintain healthy vitamin D levels in their bodies because of the genetic defect. This is the governments way of “leveling the playing field” if you will.

The genetic characteristic of Black people are formed by the dominant (original) gene while the genetic characteristic of whites are formed of the recessive (mutated) gene.

Dark brown eyes are the dominant original gene while blue eyes are a recessive genetic defect caused by ocular albinism.

The brown in the eye is a melanin compound that allows you to absorb sunlight better and is beneficial in other ways as well. When you see blue eyes, what your seeing is the absence of this melanin, so all that's showing is the blue veins inside.

In the science of genetic research the recessive gene is the inferior one while the dominant gene is the superior. This is a scientific fact of the science of genetics. A fact that whites deliberately hide because it scientifically refutes the perpetuated myth of their racial superiority.

Through powerful propaganda and indoctrination we
black people have been brainwashed into desiring the recessive mutated traits of whites.

The white media controllers have skillfully misled us--through many years of conditioning-- to believe that the white race is mankind’s anthropological model and should be yearn.

However, the genetic research paints a picture of the white race that is the direct opposite of what we have been brainwashed to believe.

Source -

 www theblackpeoplematrix.com

South Africa Spotlight on Cyril Ramaphosa

Cyril Ramaphosa is the deputy president of South Africa, and indications are that the African National Congress (ANC) will promote this pragmatic man to its top leadership position. South Africans have divided views on his ability to direct and govern should Ramaphosa become president of the country. Many believe he is not presidential material for South Africa.

Ramaphosa lacks the charisma and gravitas necessary to lead, inspire, and manage. His immense wealth, which appears to be a result of white largesse and government expenditure rather than sweat and toil, is his first liability. Perhaps the reason for the negative feelings toward him from the majority is his nonchalant attitude toward the Markikana killing and his link to this disaster.

Ramaphosa appears to lack confidence in his ability to lead and rarely makes eye contact with his audience. His body language projects the absence of self-confidence, especially in parliament where Ramaphosa has many critics. Several individuals have indicated that Ramaphosa causes people to become extremely nervous, and that South Africans sense a possible dictatorship should he become president. People are feeling that he has a peculiar mindset, and say they never understand what the man thinks. Ramaphosa appears to be a leader who will not speak from the heart, causing people to remain distant toward the cold-heartedness he displays.

Ramaphosa recently chartered a plane from the controversial Gupta family, which shows a shocking lack of wisdom and arrogance. The Gupta family was involved in a serious breach of security after the illegal landing of a foreign plane at Waterkloof Air Force Base two years ago. The arrival of the plane was a security risk, however, there was never any prosecution and the incident was swept under the carpet to be forgotten. Many believe that Ramaphosa did not have a choice, as the Guptas are close friends of President Zuma, the current president of South Africa.

Others believe Ramaphosa is a vulture and that he will depend on patronage and ruthlessness to achieve and maintain power. Ramaphosa is perceived as a project of multinational corporations which consist of white capital’s foreign interests which fade into oblivion after their obscene wealth accumulation is complete. Ramaphosa is following the law of acquiring power, and one can never outclass the master. The man is keeping a low profile in an attempt not to rattle the cage too much, or be seen as swimming against the current of corruption and abuse of office.

Not all people of South Africa have negative attitudes toward Ramaphosa, and many remember the time when the man was a true fighter for peace, justice, and freedom; when he was equal to all the people who suffered and triumphed over hardship, and when ANC leaders displayed impeccable character. Many believe that Ramaphosa can bring back dignity into the office of the presidency.

People want Ramaphosa to clarify and explain the corruption and the absence of good governance. The neglect of defining the abuse of power in the provincial and local government has caused a lack of confidence in him, and many realize that the unanswered questions are Ramaphosa’s greatest fault.

Ramaphosa is described as a conflicted and compromised person. People believe that the presidency has demonstrated that people who have been involved in the private sector do not make honest presidents. There is the perception that Ramaphosa needs to boast ruling president Jacob Zuma in an attempt to fend off all other challengers. Under scrutiny, many believe that all ANC leaders are implicated in some allegation.

Can Ramaphosa walk the tightrope between transformational and transactional leadership? Over the last 21 years, ascendancy to political power entailed bending the rules and making alliances with unsavory characters. Patronage is required, and even morally upright people make promises and reward people in return for loyalty. Ramaphosa might have to act with circumspection and magnanimity toward the good, the bad, and the ugly. He will not be too different, as the roots of this culture run deep in the enjoyment of the patronage of big business and politicians. Greedy and aggressive, somewhere between hope and despair, the Marikana and eToll fiasco caused many to lose confidence in the man who once showed potential to lead South Africa.

Opinion by Laura Oneale

Capitalism is in crisis

Hoisting the Red Flag!

Thirteenth Congress Central Committee

Thirteenth Plenary Session, Johannesburg, 28-30 August 2015


The SACP Central Committee met in Johannesburg over the weekend of 28-30 August. The CC was meeting in the context of serious storms gathering around the South African economy, notably in the mining and steel sectors. We have now experienced a single quarter of negative growth with the possibility of an impending recession. These issues, their relationship to the problematic structural features of South Africa’s political economy, the ongoing global capitalist crisis, and the impact of all of these on our society were, therefore, the central focus of reports discussed in the CC. Comrade Bheki Ntshalinthsali, acting COSATU general secretary, also presented a document on the state of the labour federation and the challenges faced by the working class.

We must deal with corruption not just in theory but practically

While the scourge of corruption is not by any measure the main cause of the economic crises we are confronting as a country, corruption fragments the democratic state and our movement, and opens up space for regime-change agendas. If we are to respond effectively to the economic challenges, then it is absolutely essential that as a movement we deal decisively with corruption and corrupt individuals. In engaging with our allies in the coming period we intend to raise this matter forcefully. There is a wide-spread impression that congress and conference resolutions on fighting corruption are watered down in practice, and the recommendations of structures like the integrity committee are bypassed. Lip-service to fighting corruption without action, or with half-hearted and selective action, simply compounds the problem. It is important that those within our movement who are aware of bribes passing hands, or membership fraud should actively open up criminal cases, rather than simply repeat allegations.

Eskom

Clearly part of our current economic challenges have their roots in domestic problems and strategic mistakes, and notably on the electricity front. It would be a grave mistake to be in denial about these.

The SACP has consistently argued that our present energy challenges are mainly the consequence of an ideologically misguided belief in the early 2000s that privatising Eskom would assure us of continued ample, cheap electricity. The resulting failure to embark on a major re-capitalisation of Eskom at that time has now cost us dearly. Compounding these problems has been predatory behaviour in the supply chain management of Eskom. We welcome decisive measures to eradicate corruption in the entity, as well as the belated but important major investments in Eskom generation capacity now underway. Unit 6 of Medupi power station comes on stream today and will be providing an additional 794 megawatts into the grid.

The current economic storms largely originate from outside the country

However, our current economic challenges largely originate from outside of the country. These challenges need to be traced back to the 2008 global financial crisis which quickly developed into a wider economic crisis, the most serious since the Great Depression of the 1930s. Between 2009 and 2012, as with several other resource-rich economies, the South African economy was partly shielded from the worst of the fall-out by continued export at record prices of primary commodities to China.

However, in response to the global capitalist crisis which has seen a slow-down in demand for its exports, China has shifted its strategy away from being a mineral resource absorbing, export-led growth economy. It is now focusing on stimulating domestic demand and moving away from its commodity intensive growth path. The previous global commodity super-cycle, driven by China’s huge imports of primary commodities, is now definitively over.

This has seen prices of our major mining exports – iron ore, coal, platinum and gold – fall by an average of 50% from 2011. In the last few years to June 2015, the international iron ore price fell by 67%, coal prices by 54%, platinum by 39%, and gold by 13%. These four sectors employ 425 000 mineworkers in South Africa, and they account for one-quarter of our exports. With the collapse in commodity prices, 40% of South Africa’s platinum mines, and 30% of our gold mines are now not profitable.

But South Africa is not alone. The end of the global commodity super-cycle is having a dramatic impact on other economies with major mining industries. Some 20,000 jobs are under threat this coming year in Australia, whose growth rate is also projected to decline. In the US, the mining sector lost 15,000 jobs in April alone – the fourth straight monthly loss in the sector. Canada has lost 19,700 jobs in its resources sector. The commodity storm is impacting on the other primary commodity rich-BRICS partners, Russia and Brazil, both of which expect to be in recession this year. The former South African but now trans-nationalised Anglo American has recently reported a $3 billion loss – mainly due to its flagship iron ore project in Minas Rio in Brazil. Many oil-exporting African countries, Angola and Nigeria among them, are also suffering major losses. The IMF last month downgraded growth projections for sub-Saharan Africa by almost a full percentage point.

It is important to remind ourselves of this wider global reality – not in order to evade our own national challenges or responsibilities – but rather to more lucidly understand the challenges we are confronting, in order to develop adequate and strategically sustainable responses.

A great deal of local public commentary is shallow and parochial in the extreme. For instance Peter Bruce argues there is “no leadership” in the country, and proposes economic policy should be handed over to businessmen who know only the mantra of profit maximisation. The DA’s threadbare and amateurish “5-point” programme in response to the current job losses calls for government freebies to the private sector, like committing R500-million of public money to purchase “industrial size generators for manufacturing enterprises”. The DA programme also calls for class war on the trade union movement by arguing for a more “flexible” labour market. As Comrade Ntshalintshali pointed out, less than 30% of South Africa’s working class is unionised (the majority of the unionised now being in the public sector) – while informalisation, casualisation and labour brokering have accelerated dramatically. Just how much more flexible does the DA want the labour market to be?

The steel glut

The slow-down in Chinese demand has also contributed to a glut of steel in global markets, and the dumping of steel products from China into other economies, including South Africa. South Africa’s two major steel manufacturers are now also in trouble.
In this context, the CC welcomed government’s initiatives to meet with the steel producers and the trade unions in the sector. The imposition of a protective tariff on steel imports and the consideration of a further anti-dumping duty are important immediate responses to the crisis. The CC in particular saluted the role being played by Minister of Trade and Industry, Comrade Rob Davies and Minister of Economic Development, Comrade Ebrahim Patel. As both ministers have emphasised, the crisis must now be leveraged to address the deeper structural challenges within our economy. Immediate state interventions to bring relief to the mining and steel manufacturing companies must now be linked to our strategic beneficiation and re-industrialisation objectives. A tariff and anti-dumping duty relief to steel-manufacturers must have as its conditionality that the price of steel to local down-stream manufacturers is not hiked up.

This is a demand that has been resisted in the past by Arcelor-Mittal in particular with its disastrous import parity pricing business practices – now that it needs state assistance that assistance cannot be a freebie, it must come with conditionalities. We must not only save jobs in the steel foundries, but also save and indeed create jobs in downstream manufacturing.

The importance of re-industrialisation in order to address the structural problems within our economy

The down-turn in mineral prices and the global glut of steel are not likely to be short-term cyclical features. We are witnessing a fundamental restructuring of the global economy, itself the response to the prolonged global capitalist crisis. What this ongoing global crisis has laid bare is South Africa’s persisting colonial-type political economy and its excessive vulnerabilities.

Between December 1993 and December 2014, 5% growth was achieved in only 17 of the 84 quarters. This growth was driven by two factors – credit-driven consumption reliant on import intensive sectors; and the commodity price super-cycle. The commodity price super-cycle is now definitively over and it is unlikely to return any time soon, if ever. The credit-driven consumption reliant on imports has resulted in excessive financialisation, high levels of household debt, and de-industrialisation, affecting primarily our manufacturing and agro-processing sectors.

We must actively use the current challenges to leverage structural change within our economy - a fundamentally patriotic process of making our political economy more robust and sheltering it from the excessive frailties and vulnerabilities from which it currently suffers. A critical component of such a strategy must be the scaling up and intensification of our Industrial Policy Action Plan (IPAP).

There is a great deal of cynicism in some parts of the business media in regard to industrial policy programmes. Yet significant real progress has been made in at least two sectors. In the auto sector R25,7-billion investments have been made – the highest ever level in South Africa. These investments are not just in car assembly, but also in minibuses, buses and heavy vehicles, as well as in an expansion of the components sector.

Six years ago, South Africa’s clothing and textile sector was in free-fall and close to extinction. Thanks to state, trade union and management engagements, and thanks to a shift in incentives that now focus on credits for competitive-enhancing investment there has been a remarkable turn-around, with 68,000 jobs saved and a further 6,900 new jobs created.

In short, it is possible to make significant progress in difficult circumstances. We now need to scale up our re-industrialisation efforts, with a particular emphasis on labour intensive sectors like agro-processing. These are among the key perspectives we hope to carry forward into the ANC’s important National General Council in October.

Taking forward the financial sector campaign

A core feature of the problematic structure of South Africa’s political economy is its excessive financialisation. South Africa is an extreme case among middle income economies in terms of the relative proportion of short-term speculative investments (equity) relative to fixed direct investment (bonds). Between 1994 and 2002, inflows into the South African stock market relative to GDP were ten times the norm for middle income economies.

Internationally, South Africa is also exceptional in terms of the size of the JSE relative to GDP. Of the 118 countries that reported on market capitalisation in the World Bank’s World Development Indicators for 2010, only in Hong Kong did stock market capitalisation exceed the value of the GDP by more than South Africa.

We have a bloated, top-heavy financial sector, dominated by four banks (accounting for 84,1% of total banking assets at the end of 2011). What is more, half our banking shares are foreign owned. The financial sector has exerted huge influence on post-apartheid, macro-economic policy, and it has been behind the problematic, credit-fuelled consumption led growth path over the past two decades. Our over-financialised economy results in the misallocation of finances into speculative activity at the expense of productive investment. Financialisation and de-industrialisation are two sides of the same coin.

One of the unintended consequences of the 2005 National Credit Act was a massive increase in unsecured lending. In seeking to regulate unsecured lending in the informal sector, the Act opened up unsecured lending to the mainstream financial sector. The banks themselves became mashonisa (loan sharks) and they worked in tandem with retailers like Ellerines and Lewis Furniture Stores (who themselves increasingly drew profit not from mark-ups on furniture, for instance, but on selling credit, insurance, etc.). Unsecured lending ballooned from R40bn in 2008 to R172bn in 2014. In March 2015 45% of South Africa’s 23-million credit-active consumers were three or more months in arrears.

As researcher David Neves has remarked, the business models for credit provision to South Africa’s low-income market, in particular, have been based less on the borrower’s ability to repay, and more on the creditor’s ability to collect. An extensive machinery of debt collection and of repossessions has, accordingly, mushroomed and, along with it, all manner of abuses.

The recent Western Cape High Court case, for instance, exposed grave predatory irregularity behaviour by debt collectors, credit providers, and magistrate courts, using emolument attachment orders (EAOs) – “garnishee orders”. The court found that EAOs were granted illegally by magistrate courts distant from where those affected live and work. Amounts deducted sometimes amounted to over 80% of the earnings, whereas the law requires judicial oversight to ensure affordability. These and other practices appear to be widespread.

Another symptom of the crisis of excessive financialisation is the tsunami of home repossessions and evictions. It is estimated that there are now over 10,000 evictions a year in South Africa – a figure which is comparable to the numbers affected at the height of the apartheid-era group areas removals. Here again there is much evidence of abusive practices with clerks of the court, Red Ants, unscrupulous estate agents, and even staff within the major banks working collusively to illegally evict thousands of families. SACP activists in Johannesburg, working with community members, have actively been taking up these issues, and plan soon to take up a housing class action case. The SACP, in taking up these issues will also seek a meeting with relevant sections of the criminal justice system, including the judiciary, to raise some of our concerns in this regard.

This is the context in which, as a key pillar of this year’s Red October Campaign, the SACP will be working with its alliance partners and a wide range of social movements and community based formations to revitalise the Financial Sector Campaign. We are calling for a second NEDLAC-convened Financial Sector Summit. The first summit in 2003 resulted in a Financial Sector Charter in which, amongst other things, the financial sector institutions committed to significant community investment, including into affordable housing. Most of the commitments made in that Charter were to be realised or achieved by 2015. A second summit will need to assess the degree to which commitments have actually been implemented.

In the build-up to a Financial Sector Summit, the SACP and its allies will intensify mobilisation against housing evictions, unjust credit bureau listings, bank charges, reckless lending, abuse of garnishee orders, and the abuse of loan sharks especially of social grant beneficiaries. As part of the campaign, we will also call for the stabilisation of the SA Post Office and the allocation of a full banking licence to the Post Bank.

On COSATU

The CC congratulated COSATU on the convening and outcome of its Special National Congress at a difficult time for the federation. In the light of all of the above challenges, a militant and independent COSATU, working together with its alliance partners, has an absolutely critical role to play. We call on all affiliates to focus on re-building active trade unionism that services members and to work for working class unity. It is also essential that the historical policy capacity of the Federation and its affiliates in critical areas like industrialisation is once more actively revived. Without a united and capacitated COSATU, it is the working class in South Africa that will become the main victims of the present capitalist crisis.

Capitalism is in crisis

While it is imperative to develop short-term interventions to save jobs, to address crisis levels of house-hold indebtedness, and much more, we must never lose sight of the deeply embedded structural features of the current capitalist crisis both within South Africa and globally. Since 2008 the epicentre of the global capitalist crisis has shifted from Wall Street to Iceland, from Ireland and Portugal, to Greece and Puerto Rico, to the Chinese stock markets. One “solution” after another simply results in further knock-on crises elsewhere.

Everywhere the rural poor, the working class, and vast stretches of the middle strata globally are suffering, while a one-percent rentier class becomes ever more filthy rich. The scandalous deaths of tens of thousands of desperate refugees in the Mediterranean and in Europe – fleeing poverty and imperialist inspired destabilisation in Syria, Libya, and elsewhere – is another manifestation of the deepening crisis of capitalism.

Capitalism is in crisis – our task is not to save capitalism from its crisis, but to save humanity and the planet from capitalism

The CC conveys its condolences to the families and friends of the 109 victims of three terrible road accidents in the Eastern Cape and Swaziland over this weekend.

Contact:
Alex Mohubetswane Mashilo: National Spokesperson, Head Of Communications
Mobile: 082 9200 308
Office: 011 339 3621/2

Lucky Lukhele - Facebook post

Twitter: SACP1921

The Father

THE FATHER

Many years ago, the priest sat in the office and wondered what young Emilia would do now that her family had abandoned her. Emilia, a budding voluptuous girl, wondered off with Paul, the peasant who worked for the wealthiest and most influential person in the parish. He recalled how upset Mr. Tovar became upon hearing the news that his peasant Paul had befriended this young woman and wanted to leave his luxurious home to marry this girl.

Mr. Tovar, a grumpy forty-four-year-old, remained unmarried and had no intention of marrying. He lived alone is his lavish mansion overlooking the lake and extensive countryside. He trusted nobody and ensured his privacy was just that. The only person he employed was Paul an orphaned peasant whom one day surprised the grumpy old Mr. Tovar when he helped him up after a fall from a horse. Mr. Tovar made one mistake that day; he spoke to Paul and as an act of gratitude took the youngster home with him.

Paul delighted with his good fortune of being able to work for the famous Mr. Tovar, remained respectful and reliable for nearly three years. It is said the old man even managed to smile once in a while at the innocent, ignorant peasant.

Without fail, every Sunday, Mr. Tovar would attend a church service. Paul would follow close behind the grand old man, filled with pride and joy. The whole community would attend the service and always ensured that Mr. Tovar had the best seat near the front. He was always first to enter and first to leave. The villagers would watch as Mr. Tovar strolled home towards his mansion and Paul following behind.

Mr. Tovar had to leave the village for a month, and it was during this time when Paul found comfort in the beautiful Emilia who worked at the church. Daily he would visit the parish and befriend Emilia, who believed Paul to be the only relative of the great Mr. Tovar, and enjoyed the attention of a charming man.

It was a warm Wednesday afternoon, the blue skies displaying a few small clouds when Paul asked Emilia to return to the mansion with him. He knew nobody was around, and it would certainly make for some fun having another person stay with him. Emilia eagerly agreed and soon the two youngsters were enjoying the magnificent mansion exploring the different rooms, the antique furniture, and being overwhelmed by the vast amount of wealth displayed in this double story house.

Thirsty and exhausted from darting about the large home, Paul asked Emilia to come with him to the kitchen for some refreshments. Soon they sat down and devoured delicious treats from the pantry of Mr. Tovar.

“Now I feel more comfortable and happy that you are here with me.”

“I loved this, I never in my entire life thought I would be privy to seeing this mansion. Now I must go now, it is late, and the Priest will wonder where I am.”

“No, don’t go, stay the night with me, and I will explain to the Priest why you stayed.”

She agreed; it was fun, and the idea of returning to the dreary parish depressed her. Paul not aware of what the beautiful Emilia thought of him guided her to one of the master bedrooms and showered her with love. She was smiling, and he glanced at her and thought she was the most beautiful female he had ever seen. Enjoying the affection soon, they made passionate love again and again. Her stomach tightened. She saw nothing, looked at nothing, and was just there, breathing and enjoying the feeling of being united with such a handsome man.

Glowing light streamed into the bedroom across the bed, and Emilia rubbed her eyes, sat up and looked around the room. Realizing it was late in the morning, she roused Paul who grabbed her and made passionate love to her again. Famished and tired, they went down to the kitchen to eat.

“I must go back to the church, or else I will be in serious trouble.”

“Yes, I know, but you need to hear this, I am in love with you Emilia and want to marry you.”

“Paul, there is mustard on your mouth and yes I will marry you.”

Paul got up, walked around the table, and grabbed Emilia. He was thrilled and danced around the kitchen kissing and whispering sweet loving words into her ear.

Emilia reluctant to leave her new lover went back to the Parish and on her way down noticed the condemning cursing looks from the passersby. It felt as though the whole village knew about her escapade with Paul. Feeling guilty, she ran as fast as she could toward the parish and disappeared into her tiny dark room for the rest of the day. Ignoring the calls from the workers, she slept soundly.

The Priest surprised her with an early morning visit, reluctant she let him in. He demanded the truth and Emilia afraid and knowing how dangerous the man could be, told him about the visit to the Grand Mansion, spending the night with Paul and their lovemaking. He stood up, angry and slapped her across her face calling her a whore.

“I forbid you ever to see that man again,” the Priest said in an angry voice.

Tears streamed down her face, and she nodded her head, acknowledging his instruction. In his anger, he turned around and slammed the door shut.

Emilia cried and cried. Sitting on her bed, she felt betrayed and abandoned. The priest was angry, she had no doubt that he would never allow Paul into the parish and the idea of not seeing him again saddened her.

The next day, the workers of the parish had heard the story of Emilia and Paul, disgusted that this young woman whom they had raised from a child had turned into a whore. The gossip among the people steadily swelled out of control. The priest who always had an uncanny knack of what people were saying found out about the Emilia gossip and went into the courtyard.

“Gather around me and listen to what I have to say,” He said while raising his hand.

Eagerly the workers, who were mostly women stood silently in front of them and waited for his speech.

“Now you know that young Emilia was a baby when she arrived at the parish, abandoned and sickly. Many of you loyal women helped to raise this child.” He cleared his throat.

“Emilia has betrayed us, and we can all learn a lesson from her disobedience. Lust got the better of the young lass, and now she will have to stay under lock and key for the rest of her life. I pray she is not pregnant from the villain Paul. ‘

The women sighed and alarmed at the harsh punishment imposed on Emilia remained silent for fear of being reprimanded.

Mrs. Carrington and Mrs. Jones, you will be the custodians of Emilia; she is not to leave her room at all. Take her food and other provisions she might need, and never let her see the light of day again.” He said and walked away.

The priest looked back and saw the shock on the faces of the women. He smiled. He knew Mr. Tovar would be pleased with his commands. Back in his office, he walked over to a side table and poured a glass of water. He was thirsty and drank this quickly. He sat down and began to read his Bible.

Both Mrs. Carrington and Mrs. Jones would visit the young Emilia daily and give her fresh food and water. The young girl hardly ate the food they gave her. The room was tiny, enough space for a bed, a small table with a washing bowl on top. A small set of drawers for her few belongings and nothing more. There was a small window, but it was too high for Emilia to see anything. She slept most of her time, there were no books to read, no paper to write on and nobody to talk to.

After four months of being confined to her small room, Emilia began to feel sick, her constant nausea and heartburn upset her. Mrs. Jones suspected that the young girl was pregnant and would often visit a little longer with her. Mrs. Jones expressed her disappointment at the Priest for not allowing her to sit in the courtyard and often would tell Emilia what was happening in the village. She managed to bring Emilia a bible to read, which pleased her immensely. Emilia would hide the holy book under her bed and out of the piercing eyes of Mrs. Carrington.

Emilia began to appreciate the visits by Mrs. Jones a kind-looking, white-haired woman and often urged her to stay longer. Emilia did not like Mrs. Carrington at all. She remained arrogant and would always remind her of how remorseful she had behaved. When she visited, Emilia always felt more depressed than before. She told Mrs. Jones about her feelings and the kind soul consoled her as best as she could.

Mrs. Jones had to tell the priest that Emilia was pregnant and get her to the doctor. It was a hot day again; the summer was harsh this time with rising temperatures and humidity causing the residents to feel slightly uncomfortable. Mrs. Jones went to the Parish and entered the Priest's office. He was seated behind his desk.................................................................

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Drug War contributes to Genocide - In America

We Charge Genocide; 1.5 Million Black Men (Missing in America)

Posted by The Reunion Black Family on April 24, 2015 at 10:30 AM

How the War on Drugs Contributes to the "1.5 Million Missing Black Men" We Charge Genocide: 1.5 Million Black Men (Missing in America)

Where did all the Black men go? Analysis of population data shows so many Black males have gone to prison, died of disease of accidents, or by violence, that Black females in many communities outnumber Black men by ratios of 6 to 10. A national policy of mass Black incarceration is the primary factor – a factual basis for a
On Monday, the New York Times wrote a deeply upsetting piece titled, “1.5 Million Missing Black Men.”

According to the Times, “Black women who are 25 to 54 and not in jail outnumber black men in that category by 1.5 million. …For every 100 black women in this age group living outside of jail, there are only 83 black men. Among whites, the equivalent number is 99.”

The primary reasons the 1.5 million men are missing from their communities is because they are behind bars or because of early death, the story noted.

The number are shocking and offensive. The Times states, “One out of 6 black men who today should be between 25 and 54 years have disappeared from daily life.”

While the article makes clear that incarceration is a major reason for so many African Americans are removed from their communities, they don’t identify the role of the war on drugs in mass incarceration. Roughly 500,000 of the 2.4 million people behind bars are there for a drug offense. America is the number one jailer in the planet, with under five percent of the world’s population but 25 percent of the world’s prisoners.

And it may not surprise you that there are gross racial disparities in when it comes to who ends up behind bars for drugs. According to Human Rights Watch, African Americans go to jail or prison 10 times the rate of Whites, despite similar drug use.

There is some sick hypocrisy in our country.

Despite a $40 billion a year "war on drugs" and political speeches about a "drug-free society," our society is swimming in drugs. Every day millions use cigarettes, sugar, alcohol, marijuana, Prozac, Ritalin, Viagra, steroids, cocaine and caffeine to get themselves through the day. There are drugs on every Ivy League campus in this country and drugs are flowing on Wall Street. The vast majority of Americans use drugs on a regular basis.

While it is clear that drug use doesn’t discriminate, the reality is that the war on drug users does discriminate. The ACLU found racial disparities in every single state in the country, with blacks getting arrested for marijuana from three to 10 times the rates of Whites.

From New York to Ferguson, and all across the country we see law enforcement target people of color. Thanks to stop and frisks and racial profiling, blacks are ticketed and arrested at outrageous rates for doing the exact same thing whites do.

The “1.5 Million Missing Black Men” needs to be a wake-up call. We can not allow one out of 6 black men to go missing. And ending the war on drugs is an important, concrete step to addressing this.

Tony Newman is the director of media relations at the Drug Policy Alliance (www.drugpolicy.org)

“The war of attrition is a race war.”

Black life in America does not start out with these bizarre imbalances between the sexes. There is no gender gap among Blacks in childhood. Roughly the same number of boys and girls are born, and the ratio stays stable until the teenage years, when the war of attrition begins mercilessly grinding down the numbers of Black males. How else is this phenomenon to be described except as a war, in which 600,000 are held captive during their most productive years, 200,000 are killed by violence, and most of the rest go to early graves from accidents and diseases that cause far lower casualties among whites.

The data show that U.S. society has become much more toxic for Black men during the very period in which Blacks were supposedly making such fantastic “progress.” The numbers show that the missing-Black-men phenomenon “began growing in the middle decades of the 20th century.” The increasing ratio of Black women to men is primarily a product of the age of mass Black incarceration. The war of attrition is a race war deliberately and methodically initiated by the U.S. government, the effects of which have been devastating to Black society on the most fundamental level: stunting the formation of Black families and the Black American group as a whole by physically removing and eliminating the men.

The data support a totally plausible, factually grounded charge of genocide, based on international law. The U.S. government, through its mass Black incarceration policies of the last half century, has been guilty of a) “deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part,” as well as b) “causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group.”

The facts bear witness to the indictment. So do 1.5 million missing Black men.

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