Thursday, June 8, 2017

The end of coconut water? The world's trendiest nut is under threat of species collapse




Image 20161124 15344 1glvuux

“Orange juice for breakfast is over,” an investor interested in creating large, fair trade coconut plantations recently joked to me. These days, coconut water is king.

For the trendy and the wealthy, including celebrities such as Rihanna, Madonna or Matthew McConaughey, rarest coconut water extracted from the aromatic varieties of the nut, is the “it” drink and even a source of income.

Coconut water is being sold by luxury brands, at up to US$7 for 33 cl, about the same price as basic champagne.

A booming market


There is no doubt that the coconut market is exploding. Coconut water currently represents an annual turnover of US$2 billion. It is expected to reach US$4 billion in the next five years.

In 2007, a 25% stake in Vitacoco, the largest brand for coconut water, was sold for US$7 million to Verlinvest company. Seven years later, another 25% stake in Vitacoco was again sold to Red Bull China for about US$166 million.

Other large players in the coconut water business include Coca-Cola and PepsiCo, but more than 200 brands are now marketing coconut water.

An essential crop


But there’s another side to the story. The coconut is one of 35 food crops listed in Annex 1 of the International Treaty on Plant Genetic Resources for Food and Agriculture and considered crucial to global food security. In 2014, the Food and Agriculture Organization estimated global production to be 61.5 million tonnes.

It is an important livelihood crop for more than 11 million farmers, most of whom are smallholders, cultivating coconut palms on around 12 million hectares of land in at least 94 countries worldwide. The coconut palm is popularly known as the “Tree of Life” – all its parts are useful.

The main products are copra – the dried inner meat of the nut, used for oil – and the husk, which provides a vital source of fibre. More recently, as we’ve seen, there is also high demand for tender coconut water and virgin coconut oil.

Braiding ropes made from the husk of the niu magi magi variety on Taveuni Island, Fiji, 2012.
Cogent/Roland Bourdeix, Author provided


Whole mature nuts are exported and sold to factories that produce desiccated coconut and coconut cream. At least half of the coconuts are consumed locally.

Genetic diversity


Over millennia, humans have slowly selected and maintained numerous coconut varieties, used for many purposes.


Diversity of coconut fruits in ex situ genebanks.
Roland Bourdeix


This has resulted in an extraordinary morphological diversity, which is expressed in the range of colours, shapes and sizes of the fruits. But the extent of this diversity is largely unknown at the global level. The huge amount of work that has gone into coconut breeding by farmers over millennia, and by scientists during the 20th century, remains greatly under-valued.

The rarest coconut varieties, for instance the horned coconut, grown and conserved on the Tetiaroa Atoll and in India, are not even recognised as coconuts by most people, especially Westerners.

Coconut conservation


The genetic diversity found in coconut populations and varieties, known by scientists as “germplasm”, is conserved by millions of small farmers.


A Samoan teen holds the famous niu afa coconut variety.
Roland Bourdeix


A number of initiatives have been launched to recognise and support the role of these farmers, and to sustain them by promoting landscape management approaches, such as the Polymotu concept (“poly” meaning many, and “Motu” meaning island in Polynesian.)

The Polymotu concept capitalises on the geographical or reproductive isolation of various species for the conservation and reproduction of individual varieties of plants, trees and even animals.

In a project led by the Pacific Community and funded by the Global Crop Diversity Trust, two small islands in Samoa have been recently replanted with the famous traditional niu afa variety, which produces the largest coconut fruits in the world, reaching more than 40 cm long.

Sadly, the coconut is endangered. One of the main challenges of coconut cultivation is the existence of lethal diseases, which are rapidly expanding and killing millions of palms. These pandemics are known as lethal yellowing diseases.

The diseases ravage countries in Africa (in Tanzania, Mozambique, Ghana, Nigeria, Cameroon, Côte d’Ivoire), and also in Asia (India), North America (Mexico, the Caribbean, Florida) and the Pacific Region (Papua New Guinea, and probably Solomon Islands).


The genetic diversity of the flowers of coconut varieties on display at the Marc Delorme Research Centre, Côte d'Ivoire.
COGENT, Author provided



Diversity under threat


Many coconut varieties that could be crucial for the future of agriculture are disappearing because of the loss of traditional knowledge, rapid transformations of agricultural landscapes, climate change and westernisation.

Due to the fragility of insular ecosystems, the Pacific Region is probably the location where the losses are highest.

During a recent survey in the Cook Islands, we succeeded with considerable difficulty in locating a sweet husk palm, known as niu mangaro locally. This is a rare, highly threatened form of coconut.

The husk of its unripe fruit, which in other species is usually tough and astringent, is tender, edible and sweet. It can be chewed like sugarcane. Once the fruits are ripe, the husk fibres are white and thin.


A comparison of the husk of a normal coconut (left) and a rare sweet husk coconut (right).
Roland Bourdeix


Our survey was conducted together with a government agricultural officer. During the work, he took a tender coconut and started to chew the husk. Then he stopped, telling me, “I do not want people here to see me eating niu mangaro, because they will say I am a poor man.”

The consumption of traditional varieties being still perceived as socially stigmatising, not embracing a “modern” way of life. On the other hand, the consumption of imported food is considered as a mark of modernity and richness.

During another survey conducted in 2010 in Moorea Island, a Polynesian farmer interviewed about sweet husk varieties, known as kaipoa there, told me:

I had one kaipoa coconut palm in my farm, but I cut it down two years ago … Over ten years, I was unable to harvest a single fruit: all were stolen and eaten by children from the neighbourhood.

So, a traditional variety remains appreciated by the next generation of Polynesians, but the farmer is not aware of the rarity and of the cultural value of the resource.




Coconut lethal yellowing disease in Côte d'Ivoire: state of emergency. A video from Diversiflora International.



The social and economic factors affecting coconut conservation have been the subject of discussion at two international meetings organised in 2016 by the Asia and Pacific Coconut Community in Indonesia and the Central Plantation Crop Research Institute in India.

Discussions included the constraints and advantages related to coconut biology; links with conservation in institutional field gene banks; farmer’s knowledge regarding the reproductive biology of their crop; socioeconomic dynamics; and policy measures.


Nursery of coconut seedlings from the Green Dwarf variety for production of coconut water in Brazil.
Roland Bourdeix, Author provided


Big business, but little money for research


The International Coconut Genetic Resources Network (COGENT) now comprises 41 coconut-producing countries, representing more than 98% of global production. Its activities are focused on conservation and breeding of coconut varieties.

Coconut germplasm is represented by about 400 varieties and 1,600 accessions in 24 genebanks. Accessions are the basic units of genebanks.

In the case of the coconut palm, each accession is generally constituted of 45 to 150 palms, all collected at the same location. They are documented in a Coconut Genetic Resources Database and a global catalogue.

COGENT also works on sequencing the coconut genome, in the framework of a collaboration between research organisations in Côte d’Ivoire, France and China.

Cultivating legumes in a coconut plantation devastated by the Lethal Yellowing Disease in Ghana.
Roland Bourdeix



Despite the upturn in the global market, many coconut farmers remain insufficiently organised, and investment in coconut research is incredibly scarce.

A yearly investment of about US$3 to US$5 million in public international research would be enough to address most of the challenges of coconut agriculture. But private companies benefiting from the market boom are still scarcely involved in research funding.


Coconut harvesters dance between trunks in Ghana.
Roland Bourdeix


The coconut is a perennial crop, producing fruit year-round, but it takes a long time to grow. Investors, more interested in rapid profits, remain reluctant to fund the ten-year research programmes that are often needed to efficiently address the challenges of coconut research.

In coconut-producing countries, under-resourced genebanks and laboratories lack the necessary budget, labour, equipment and technical training to conduct the controlled hand-pollinations required for regenerating the germplasm, and to implement other activities such as collecting, characterisation and breeding.

The ConversationCoconut water brands will only make billions as long as coconuts are plentiful and diverse. More importantly, people all over the world rely on the security of this vital crop. Securing its future must be a priority for everyone who farms, eats and profits from the coconut.

Roland Bourdeix, Senior Researcher, Cirad

This article was originally published on The Conversation.

Wednesday, June 7, 2017

Land occupiers say “we will die fighting for our shacks”

Protest turns violent after High Court eviction order served on Ehlovini shack dwellers

By Joseph Chirume
8 June 2017
Photo of protesters
Land occupiers protest at Crossorads Taxi Rank in Port Elizabeth. Photo: Luvuyo Mehlwana
On Tuesday, at least five vehicles were damaged – two of them petrol-bombed – when land occupiers in Motherwell, Port Elizabeth, were served a High Court order to vacate the land in 48 hours.

Hundreds of protesters closed main roads into Motherwell, including the N2 highway. They gathered at Ikamvelihle turn-off, blocking the road to Addo, and they carried sticks and axes. They proceeded up to the Crossroads Taxi Rank, where they were confronted by police.

Thabiso Msuthu, one of the occupiers in Ehlovini, Wells Estate, said: “We have nowhere to go. The Constitution of the country is clear on evictions that no one will be evicted without being given a place to stay.”

Msuthu said there were now more than 800 people on the site. “We are just desperate people and there are many elders and disabled people who are living here. Who is going to assist them?”
He said, “We are also not pleased with the timing of the proposed evictions. This is the winter season and it is also raining. These people have been evicted a couple of times before and lost their belongings in the process. The people living here are very poor and they cannot afford to pay rent. The government is being insensitive to its people … We will not be bullied.”

“The other issue is that it [the eviction order] is dated 02/02/2017 and yet we are already in June. This eviction order was granted long ago [four months] and somebody was just sitting on it. It is a blatantly flawed process and no one is prepared to explain to us or even to call a meeting and inform the residents about the eviction order,” said Msuthu.

Thobela Timakwe has just completed rebuilding her one-room shack in which she stays with her three children. “I know the police will come after 48 hours to evict us. I am preparing for a fight, because this is the only place I call home. I have lost many things before as a result of evictions, but this time we will resist vehemently.”

A community leader said: “Some of our members have been on the housing waiting list since 2000.”
“The eviction order was not served to the people of Ikhamvelihle, but we know that when they are done with residents of Wells Estate, they will also descend on us. This protest is in preparation for that. We want to show them that we will die fighting in our shacks,” he said.

Police spokesperson Captain Andre Beetge said: “A bus belonging to Algoa bus company was also damaged. The protesters also damaged an ambulance in Wells Estate. No arrests or injuries have been reported so far. Cases of malicious damage to property have been opened, including seven for cases of public violence. There were also two cases of damaging infrastructure.”

Mayoral Committee Member for Human Settlement Nqaba Bhanga said, “Our position is very clear: that we are going to evict all those occupying land illegally, because we have learnt that it’s either they are people who want to jump the queue, or people who had houses before, or business people who want to build their businesses in those areas using poor and vulnerable to front for them. We are not going to accept that, because we have a housing plan where we are going to build houses. We are not going to allow that situation of lawlessness.”

He claimed people were brought from outside of the municipality “to do this illegal occupation”.
Asked about the outdated court order, he said, “The delivering and execution of the court order is carried out by the office of the sheriff. We are only there to have that land and develop it to the benefit of the residents of this municipality.”

Published originally on GroundUp .

Dozens of Hout Bay homes severely damaged in Cape storm

Some shacks that were rebuilt after the fires earlier this year blew down

By Natalie Pertsovsky and Lilly Wimberly
7 June 2017
Photo of two people in front of blown-down shack
Olga Kotswana and Sam Dube.
Olga Kotswana and her husband Sam Dube stand where their shack used to be in Imizamo Yethu, Hout Bay’s informal settlement. “I was sleeping when it fell,” said Kotswana. Their home was destroyed at about 10:30pm last night during the storm. “We’ve got nothing. No blanket. No food. Nothing.” Their shack was one of the temporary ones provided by the City of Cape Town after fires ravaged the township in March.
Neliswa Mbanga stands in front of her home, number 36, which was damaged after the high winds of the storm tipped the house to the side. Mbanga is also living in one of the temporary shacks provided by the City following the March fires.
Residents climb through the rubble made by a tree downed by the wind.
Abraham Shatimwene, Samuel Hiavali, and Paulis Shatimwene in front of their home, which was badly damaged by Tuesday night’s storm. They are in the process of replacing their roof and one side of their shack in preparation for more winds throughout the week.
Lovers Magwala, a resident, explained that winds had tipped the community’s toilets. He said that residents were now using the hill as a bathroom.
Residents living in shacks provided by the City prepare for more high winds as the storm continues by placing tires, branches and bricks on the roofs of their homes.
Portia Mawilk, who supports her mother, child, and two sisters had her newly built shack blown away last night and the zinc materials stolen. “I don’t know what I’m going to do now.” Her previous home was destroyed in the March fire. She is currently staying with a neighbour.
Top two photos by Natalie Pertsovsky. Remaining photos by Lilly Wimberly.

Published originally on GroundUp .

In photos: Cape Town’s tempest

At least five dead, and many lose their homes

By GroundUp Staff and Mandla Mnyakama
8 June 2017
Photo of wave crashing onto promenade
Waves splashed over the Sea Point and Three Anchor Bay promenade on Wednesday. Photo: Ashraf Hendricks
The City of Cape Town reports that there have been five deaths caused by the storm that has struck the city in the past 24 hours (see Dozens of Hout Bay homes severely damaged in Cape storm). Ashraf Hendricks photographed the Sea Point and Camps Bay beachfronts, and Mandla Mnyakama photographed Gugulethu’s Europa informal settlement.
The crazy weather inspired even crazier selfies. Photo: Ashraf Hendricks
A boy runs away from an approaching wave. Photo: Ashraf Hendricks
A man collected his long board that was locked up in storage at Three Anchor Bay. The waves broke the storage facility open. Photo: Ashraf Hendricks
Car’s got covered in sea foam. Photo: Ashraf Hendricks
The waves inspired people to play on the promenade. Photo: Ashraf Hendricks
Waves crash onto people. Police eventually escorted people away as it became too dangerous. Photo: Ashraf Hendricks
Seaweed washed up onto the Camps Bay beachfront. Photo: Ashraf Hendricks
The storm broke a wall of this building. The building flooded too. Photo: Ashraf Hendricks
While the Atlantic coast beach fronts were spectacular, as far as we are aware no one in Sea Point or Camps Bay was injured or lost their homes because of the storm. The situation was less spectacular but far worse on on the Cape Flats.
Access paths turned into watery canals during the storm in Europa informal settlement. Photo: Mandla Mnyakama
A woman deftly navigates her way across a flooded pathway. Photo: Mandla Mnyakama

Published originally on GroundUp .

Tuesday, June 6, 2017

Saudi rift with Qatar exposes growing division in the anti-Iran alliance



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US and Gulf Cooperation Council forces conduct field training, in Kuwait in 2017.
U.S. Army, Francis O'Brien/


This is the worst diplomatic crisis in the Gulf region in decades.

On June 5, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and Egypt decided to break off ties with Qatar, accusing the Gulf state of supporting terrorism and of destabilising the whole region.

Qatar had fired the opening shot by what seemed to be open criticism of the Saudi-led and US-assisted anti-Iran alliance pushed by Donald Trump after his visit to Riyadh on May 21.

On May 24, Emir Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani, the ruler of Qatar, allegedly criticised the US-Saudi move and described Iran as an “Islamic power”. The Qatar News Agency quoted the emir as saying, “There is no wisdom in harbouring hostility towards Iran”. This infuriated Saudi Arabia and the UAE.

Qatar then questioned the veracity of the comments and said its news agency was hacked. Nevertheless, the diplomatic rift been deepening, culminating in the current crisis.

Not the first diplomatic imbroglio


This is not the first time that Qatar, a thumb-shaped emirate of the size of the US state of Connecticut, has become embroiled a diplomatic imbroglio with its Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) partners Bahrain, Saudi Arabia and the UAE.


These three Gulf Arab states withdrew their ambassadors from Qatar’s capital Doha in early 2014, on the pretext that the country had links to the Muslim Brotherhood and gave refuge to its leaders after the fall of Egypt’s first democratically elected government in July 2013.

Saudi Arabia declared the Muslim Brotherhood, which it views as an alternative source of authority that’s opposed to hereditary monarchical rule, a terrorist organisation in early March 2014.

But the current crisis is much more serious than the 2014 diplomatic spat, which was resolved after eight months, with Saudi, Emirati and Bahraini ambassadors returning to Doha in November of the same year on the condition that Qatar would never allow the Muslim Brotherhood to operate from its territory.

Iran in the centre


Unlike the 2014 crisis, the current Qatari–Saudi rift is not just an intra-GCC falling out, as it involves Saudi Arabia’s regional rival Iran.

Qatar is seen by the Saudi government and its Emirati and Bahraini counterparts as a spoiler of efforts to forge a unified Arab–Muslim position, undergirded by the Trump administration, against Iran’s so-called “terrorist agenda” in Arab countries.

A week before US President Donald Trump visited Riyadh to consolidate the anti-Iran alliance, the Saudi arabic-language daily newspaper Okaz reported a secret meeting between the Qatari Foreign Minister Sheikh Mohammad Bin Abdul Rahman Al Thani, who was officially visiting Baghdad at the time, and the Iranian Quds Force Commander Qasim Sulaimani.

The newspaper accused Qatar of exiting “early from the Arab-Islamic consensus” on Iran, adding “its defence of the Iranian terrorist regime shows the secret Doha-Tehran alliance intends to strike at Arab and Islamic solidarity.”

All of this while Qatar signed the anti-Iran Riyadh Declaration issued after the Arab-Islamic-America summit on May 21 2017.

But why would Qatar, a country that hosts the largest US air force base in the Middle East (Al-Udeid), veer off the Saudi-led GCC military and diplomatic track?


Gulf watchers know that Qatar is suspicious of Saudi goals under the GCC umbrella, and it wants an independent foreign policy, free from Saudi or Iranian influence.

Qatar hardly sees Saudi Arabia as a harmless neighbour. Tensions in Saudi-Qatar relations started right after the former emir Sheikh Hamad Bin Khaifa Al Thani (1995 – 2013) came to power via a bloodless coup in 1995 by overthrowing his father Sheikh Khalifa Bin Hamad Al Thani. Sheikh Khalifa was visiting Saudi Arabia at the time, which embarrassed the Saudi government.

Sheikh Hamad’s takeover in 1995 was preceded by a Saudi attack on a Qatari border security post in September 1992, in violation of a mutual defence treaty the two states had signed in 1982.

Riyadh also thwarted Qatari initiatives to export liquefied gas to other GCC member states in the 1990s. Emir Sheikh Hamad began to pull Qatar out of the Saudi shadow, a policy that Emir Sheikh Tamim is also pursuing.

Qatari satellite news channel Al Jazeera occasionally broadcasts programs criticising Saudi Arabia and, much to the anger of Riyadh, it hosted Saudi dissidents in a popular talk show in June 2002.

The incident led to Saudi Arabia recalling its ambassador from Doha in September 2002. Full diplomatic relations between the two countries were restored five years later, in September 2007, on Qatari assurance that Al Jazeera would refrain from broadcasting anti-Saudi programs.

A big push in the region


At the same time, Qatar, with the massive amount of oil and gas-generated income in its coffers (US$191 billion GDP in 2012), has been pushing for a bigger foreign policy and diplomatic profile in the region.

Doha successfully mediated a series of conflicts in the 2000s. It broke the political impasse in Lebanon by persuading the Sunni-led Lebanese government and the opposition Hezbollah to sign the May 2008 Doha Agreement; it mediated the conflict between the Yemeni government and Houthis in February 2008 (though it failed subsequently to find a permanent solution to the conflict); and, in February 2010, it facilitated a ceasefire agreement between the Sudanese government and the opposition Justice and Equality Movement.




Sudanese parties sign Darfur truce deal.



These successful mediations brought the tiny country enviable diplomatic plaudits from home and abroad.

In 2011, to the surprise of many regional states, the Qatar military participated in the NATO-led intervention to dislodge the Gaddafi government in Libya. It wanted to achieve a similar goal in Syria – to topple the Bashar Al-Assad government – but did not succeed primarily due to Iranian and Russian opposition.

Despite being an autocracy, Qatar presented itself as a frontline Arab state for politically transforming the Arab world, under the rubric of the Arab Spring movements.

Its objective was to strengthen Qatari national security and foreign policy autonomy in the Gulf region, a neighbourhood dominated by giants such as Iran and Saudi Arabia.

What next?


Nonetheless, the diplomatic spat with Saudi Arabia does not bode well for Qatar. The Saudi-led diplomatic offensive has isolated it from the rest of GCC and the Middle East region by cutting off air, land and sea routes to Doha.

Doha has been accused again of supporting regional terror groups – al-Qaeda and ISIL in Iraq and Syria - and cooperating with Iran.

Qatar has always denied funding extremist groups, but the small country has been accused in the last few years of allowing terrorist financiers to operate within its territory with impunity.

The Qatari government has also pledged support for Hamas, the Palestinian group regarded as a liberation force against Israeli occupation by most Muslim countries, but as a terrorist organisation by the United States, Israel, Egypt and Canada.

Qatar can expect no serious help from Iran either, as any possible Iranian political or diplomatic help runs the risk of further embittering Saudi-Qatar relations and permanently subject Doha to Saudi wrath.



The Trump administration is definitely not on Qatar’s side, as Secretary of State Rex Tillerson, speaking in Australia, indirectly hoped to resolve the intra-GCC irritants and put Qatar back in the Saudi-driven GCC orbit.

Cracks in the Saudi-Qatar relationship would undercut the joint Arab-US fight against regional terror and extremist groups. It’s difficult to say how long Qatar would be in the position to resist the Saudi diplomatic offensive.

But backing down from the fight with Riyadh looks set to produce two outcomes. First, Doha would be obliged to downgrade its support to rebel groups in Syria, linked to either Muslim Brotherhood or al-Qaeda. And second, it must be willing to shed some degree of its foreign policy autonomy to participate in the Saudi-led offensive against Iran.

The ConversationIn either case, Qatar has undermined the anti-Iran alliance, giving Tehran more time to reassess the situation and consider its options.

Mohammed Nuruzzaman, Associate Professor of International Relations, Gulf University for Science and Technology

This article was originally published on The Conversation.